जाति पाति: आदर्श और हक़ीकत (पंजाब के सन्दर्भ में)

 
Sardar Ajmer Singh (सरदार अजमेर सिंह)

(यह आलेख आज़ाद भारत के पंजाब प्रांत में दलित/पछड़ा वर्ग एवं सिख के 'हम हिंदू नहीं' दृष्टिकोण का ब्राह्मणवादी आर्य समाज और इसके पोषक बन गए राजनीतिक दलों के बरक्स जो भी हुआ है, उसका ऐतिहासिक विवरण है। पंजाब की राजनीति को देखने, समझने और परखने का, पाठकों को, यह आलेख बढ़िया मौका प्रदान करता है। सरदार अजमेर सिंह द्वारा लिखी यह रचना उनकी पंजाबी में लिखी बहुचर्चित किताब 'बीसवीं सदी की सिख राजनीति - एक ग़ुलामी से दूसरी ग़ुलामी' से ली गई है, एवं अनुदित है - गुरिंदर आज़ाद [अनुवादक])
s ajmer singh
बेशक़ गुरु साहेबान (सिख गुरु) ने हिन्दू समाज की सबसे बड़ी लाहनत, जाति पाति प्रणाली का, सिद्धांत और अमल के स्तर पर ज़ोरदार खंडन करते हुए, सिख समाज में इसकी पूरी तरह से मनाही कर दी थी। गुरु काल के बाद धीरे धीरे सिखी के बुनियादी सिद्धांत कमज़ोर पड़ने शुरू हो गए। जिन हिंदूवादी अभ्यासों का गुरु साहेबान ने खंडन किया था, उन्होंने सिख धर्म और समाज को फिर से अपने क़ातिलाना शिकंजे में ले लिया। हिन्दूवाद के दुष्प्रभावों का सबसे गाढ़ा इज़हार सिख पंथ में जात पात प्रणाली की फिर से अमल के रूप में हुआ। ऐसे अनेक ऐतिहासिक प्रमाण और हवाले मिलते हैं जो उनीसवीं सदी तक सिख पंथ के फिर से जात-पात प्रबंध की मुकम्मल जकड़ में आ जाने की पुष्टि करते हैं। 

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जट्टवाद एक दीर्घ रोग

 

सरदार अजमेर सिंह (Sardar Ajmer Singh)

(यह लेख सरदार अजमेर सिंह की बहुचर्चित किताब 'बीसवीं सदी की सिख राजनीति: एक ग़ुलामी से दूसरी ग़ुलामी तक' जो कि पंजाबी भाषा में है, से हिंदी में अनुदित किया गया है सरदार अजमेर सिंह पंजाब के एक जाने माने इतिहासकार हैं। ब्राह्मणवाद की गहन समझ रखने वाले अजमेर सिंह महसूस करते हैं कि पंजाब अपने असली इतिहास के साथ तभी बच सकता है, एवं उसका भविष्य सुरक्षित हो सकता है अगर वह अलग सिख स्टेट बने। पंजाब की तारीख़ का सिख परीपेक्ष्य में मूल्यांकन करने वाले शायद वह इकलौते साहित्यकार हैं जिन्होंने ब्राह्मणवाद की नब्ज़ को पकड़कर सिखों में घुस चुके ब्राह्मणवाद की निशानदेही की है। उनकी लिखी किताबों के माध्यम से व्यापक जगत ने दृष्टिकोण के वह कोने भी छूये हैं जिससे खुद सिख संसार अनभिज्ञ था या यूं कहिये ब्राह्मणवादी स्टेट ने ऐसा कर दिया था। उनके इस आलेख में वह जट्टवाद को परत दर परत खोलते हैं। सिख एवं दलित बहुजन दृष्टिकोण से यह लेख बेहद पठनीय है। ~ गुरिंदर आज़ाद [अनुवादक])

s ajmer singh

पंजाब के जट्ट भाईचारे की शुरुआत को लेकर कई तरह की बातें प्रचलित हैं। ज़्यादा वज़नदार विचार यह है कि इसके पुरखे मध्य एशिया के 'हून' और 'सीथियन' नाम के ख़ानाबदोश कबीलों से ताल्लुक रखते थे जिन्होंने इस इलाके में आर्य लोगों की घुसपैठ से काफी समय बाद निवास करना शुरू किया। क्यूंकि इन कबीलों का कोई पक्का ठिकाना नहीं था और उनका जीवन निर्वाह ज़्यादातर मार-धाड़ पर ही टिका हुआ था, इस कारण वीरता और लड़ाकूपन इनके खून में घुलमिल गया था। उनका नंबर संसार के नामी मुहिमबाज़ और मारखोर टोलों में आता है। समझा जाता है कि उन्होंने उनसे पहले आबाद हुए आर्य लोगों को खदेड़ के गंगा के मैदान की तरफ धकेल दिया था और इस भू-हिस्से में पक्के ठिकाने बनाकर खेती का व्यवसाय शुरू कर दिया। इसी वजह के चलते गंगा के मैदान में ब्राह्मण पुजारीवाद के असर तले पैदा हुए सभ्याचार का पंजाब के ग्रामीण मालिक किसानों पर उतना गाढ़ा रंग नहीं चढ़ा जितना पंजाब से बाहर अन्य किसान भाईचारों पर देखने को मिलता है। पंजाबी किसान, काफी हद तक, एवं काफी देर तक, इस सभ्याचार से अलग-जुदा रहा है। कबाईली नमूने की आर्थिक एवं भाईचारक बनावट ने पंजाबी ग्रामीण-किसान भाईचारे में भाईचारक-भाव, आज़ाद तबियत और बराबरी की जो स्पिरिट भर दी, वह पंजाबी जट्ट किसान के आचार का एक उभरा हुआ लक्षण हो गुज़रा। उसके स्वभाव और आचरण का दूसरा अहम् लक्षण शख्सियत प्रस्ति है। अर्थात वह हद दर्जे का व्यक्तिवादी है। आम तौर पर जट्ट वही सब करता है जो उसे खुद को अच्छा लगता है। इसका दूसरों पर पड़ने वाले प्रभाव की उसको कोई ख़ास परवाह नहीं होती। न वह इसमें किसी का दख़ल सहन करता है। उसमे खुद पर भरपूर भरोसा, जो अक्सर घमंड का रूपधारण कर लेता है, कमाल का ऊधम और बेशुमार पहल कदमी है। सो जहाँ लीडरों की अगुआई का इंतज़ार किये बिना व्यक्तिगत पहल कदमी और ऊधम की ज़रुरत है, वहाँ वह पूरा कामयाब है। पर जहाँ कामयाबी के लिए चिंतन और जथेबंदी की ज़रुरत पड़ी तो वह अक्सर फेल हुआ; सिवा ऐसे मौकों के कि जब किसी नामवर शख्सियत ने, या सांझे आदर्श या निश्चय ने या सांझे खतरे ने उसे जथेबंद होने के लिए प्रेरित करने में सफलता हासिल कर ली। जट्ट किसान में राज-काज का उतना कौशल या तज़ुर्बा नहीं, जितना खेती का है। इस लिए जहाँ भी, और जब भी, उसने अपनी फितरत के पीछे लग के राज करने का जतन किया, तो वह अक्सर फेल हुआ है।

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Dr. Ambedkar's Invaluable Advice on the Sikh Right to Self-rule

 

Sardar Ajmer Singh

This article is an excerpt from S. Ajmer Singh's book "Biswi Sadi Ki Sikh Rajneeti: Ek Ghulami Se Dusri Ghulami Tak" (The Sikh Politics of the 20th Century: From One Slavery to Another)

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On the circumstances emerging after the partition of Punjab, and the creation of a Self-ruled Sikh state

After the partition of India, there was a significant shuffling of the various classes in proportion to the overall population in East Punjab. The Hindus and Sikhs of Western Punjab and the northwestern border areas were forced to leave their homes and cross the border into the newly formed Indian state. And from this side of the border, the Muslim population of Eastern Punjab moved en masse to West Punjab. The displaced or uprooted Sikh families from Lyallpur, Mintgumri and Sheikhupura came and settled in their ancestral villages in the Jalandhar division. A large part of the displaced Hindu population from Pakistan went and settled in the areas lying on the other side of the river Ghaggar. This shuffling or change in the population severely affected the relations between both the Hindu and Sikh communities. In the total population of East Punjab which stood at 1 crore 25 lakhs, the population of the Hindus reached about 62 percent and the Sikhs about 35 per cent. In this manner, for the first time in the history, the Hindus became a majority in Punjab. Similarly, for the first time in history the Sikh brotherhood achieved a majority in a united area (the areas between the rivers Ravi and Ghaggar).

There is no doubt that the Sikh community suffered a lot, both in terms of lives lost and material losses as a result of the partition of Punjab, but the political avenues that this catastrophe opened up for the Sikh community, is something only an astute mind like Dr. Ambedkar's could properly assess. In February 1948, when a deputation of Sikhs apprised Dr. Ambedkar of the difficulties being faced by the Sikh community due to partition, his researched and prescient reply* was:

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Caste can be destroyed only through caste war: V. T. Rajshekar

 

V.T. Rajshekar

(Dalit Voice)

In the past 68 years that India has been independent, we have spent all our time quarreling. Something is seriously going wrong with country's uppercaste rulers. They are in terrible confusion. They are afraid of their own shadows. This ruling class or caste may be small in numbers (less than 15 percent of Indian population) but they are no ordinary people. They not only control the country's entire, property and privileges but they also control the brains of the rest of 85% of the population. They own & run the mass media, write books, produce films & serials, manage educational institutions, hospitals, industries etc. They only are the most educated. In sum, they set values.

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 With gods in their pocket & sacred scriptures on the tip of their tongue they can make & unmake things. Inspite of enjoying such a privileged position, why are this people are in such a terrible confusion?

Because the confusion is reservation.

Uppercaste rulers who are in charge of implementing the constitutional provisions of reservation to SC/STs have sabotaged the whole thing.

In every government office, government educational institutions, a varitable war is going on today between the 'non-reserved category' employees & 'reserved employees' who are nick named 'government brahmins'. Though the public services form a small part & the private sector doesn't have any reservations for SC/STs, the upper caste rulers have converted the reservation issue into a " national crisis ".

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Forget the Raj. Who’ll say sorry for millennia of abuse of dalits?

 

Surendra Kumar

With his rousing speech at Oxford Union, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor has silenced his detractors. Ironically, his own party seeks his silence. Obviously, they don't take his gift of gab and exceptional oratorical skills seriously. What a pity.

What a huge difference a single speech can make! Shashi Tharoor's 15-minute stirring intervention at Oxford Union on July 14 was by far the most passionate, incisive and scathing critique in recent times of 200 years of British colonial rule in India. It has touched the right chord, both in India and abroad, cutting across generations. So, Tharoor, who has been in the headlines for the wrong reasons for the last two years, has suddenly become the darling of Indians, especially the Twitterati. Nearly a million Netizens "liked" his speech in less than 48 hours.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi publicly applauded his oratory, as did many MPs from different political parties. With a huge sixer, Shashi has silenced his detractors. Ironically, his own party seeks his silence. Obviously they don't take his exceptional oratorical skills seriously. What a pity.

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Beyond the Fairy Tales of India

 

Braj Ranjan Mani

Braj R ManiThere is little awareness about a more or less institutionalised arrangement of normalising, if not glorifying, the oppressive past from which the privileged continue to derive profit and pleasure. Invented histories, myth-making, and armoury of stereotypes merge to create convenient narratives and myths which masquerade as the history of India. The suppressed stories fester the lies and keep the people away from the oppressive reality. That is why, history and culture should be debrahmanised—reconstructed—by the subjugated majority, with the understanding that 'the master's tools will not bring down the master's house'.

 It is no secret that there are intellectual weapons in the arsenal of the oppressors of the world—in theology, in philosophy, in social sciences. Their function is to conceal systemic violence or injustice in order to maintain the established power and cultural equilibrium. Even fair-minded intellectuals who come from the top of the social pyramid (in which the many are miserable at the bottom) take safety in academic subterfuge. A social psychology made worse by inherited traditions of classicism, cultural conservatism, and obfuscatory religiosity does not allow the pandits to see the obvious. For example, even a cursory familiarity with the ancient brahmanic texts leaves little doubt that the Itihasa–Purana and Dharmashastras were written by the enemies of dalit-bahujans who were stigmatised as shudras and atishudras. The shudra (the debased caste of servants) was so constructed by the historical power of brahmanism. But the scholars who spend a life-time in researching the past remain forever blind to this reality, and the historical truth of upper-caste violence, both social and ideological. Their scholarship somehow never comes to grasp the point that brahmanical forms of knowledge were critical in the establishment and maintenance of caste. The pattern does not change when we move forward to the history of modern India. A benign amnesia shrouds the conservative and anti-dalit-bahujan strands of Indian nationalism, which permits academic and popular projections of the essentially upper-caste leaders such as Gandhi, Nehru and Tilak-Savarkar as non-partisan leaders.

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