ಮೋದಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರದಲ್ಲಿ ಬದುಕನ್ನು ಕಳೆದುಕೊಂಡ ಶೋಷಿತರು

 

Prof Mahesh Chandra Guru

prof mahesh guru1ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ ಕೇಂದ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ ಆಡಳಿತ ನಡೆಸುತ್ತಿರುವ ಶ್ರೀ ನರೇಂದ್ರಮೋದಿ ನೇತೃತ್ವದ ಎನ್ಡಿಎ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಭಾರತದ ಶೋಷಿತರ ಪಾಲಿಗೆ ನರಕದ ಕೂಪವಾಗಿದೆ. 2014ರಲ್ಲಿ ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶ, ಬಿಹಾರ, ಮಧ್ಯಪ್ರದೇಶ, ರಾಜಸ್ಥಾನ, ಮಹಾರಾಷ್ಟ್ರ ಮತ್ತು ಗುಜರಾತ್ ರಾಜ್ಯಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಇರುವ ಬಹುಜನ ಭಾರತೀಯರು ಯುಪಿಎ ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ನಿಷ್ಕ್ರಿಯತೆಯಿಂದ ಬೇಸತ್ತು ಹೊಸ ಭರವಸೆಯೊಂದಿಗೆ ಎನ್ಡಿಎ ಮೈತ್ರಿಕೂಟಕ್ಕೆ ಅತ್ಯಧಿಕ ಬಹುಮತವನ್ನು ನೀಡಿದರು. ಆದರೆ ಬಹುಜನರ ಆಹಾರ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಮತ್ತು ಬದುಕುವ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಸ್ವಯಂ ಸೇವಕ ಸಂಘದ ನಿರ್ದೇಶನದಲ್ಲಿ ಅಧಿಕಾರ ನಡೆಸುತ್ತಿರುವ ಮೋದಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಕಸಿದುಕೊಂಡು ಭಾರತದ ಇತಿಹಾಸದಲ್ಲಿ ಹಿಂದೆಂದೂ ಕಂಡರಿಯದ ಮೂಲಭೂತ ಮಾನವ ಹಕ್ಕುಗಳನ್ನು ಹರಣ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿರುವುದಕ್ಕೆ ಬಹಳಷ್ಟು ನಿದರ್ಶನಗಳಿವೆ. ತಮ್ಮನ್ನು ನಂಬಿ ರಾಜ್ಯಾಧಿಕಾರ ನೀಡಿದ ಭಾರತದ ಬಹುಜನ ಬಂಧುಗಳನ್ನು ಪ್ರಧಾನಿ ಮೋದಿ ಅತ್ಯುಗ್ರ ಶೋಷಣೆಗೆ ಗುರಿಪಡಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.

ಇತ್ತೀಚೆಗೆ ಗುಜರಾತಿನ ಊನಾ ಎಂಬ ಊರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಸತ್ತ ದನವೊಂದರ ಚರ್ಮವನ್ನು ಹೊಟ್ಟೆಪಾಡಿಗಾಗಿ ಸುಲಿಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಬಡದಲಿತರನ್ನು ಕೋಮುವಾದಿಗಳು ಅಮಾನುಷವಾಗಿ ಥಳಿಸಿರುವುದು ಮೋದಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರದಲ್ಲಿ ಸತ್ತ ದನಗಳಿಗಿರುವ ಬೆಲೆ ಜೀವಂತ ದಲಿತರಿಗೆ ಇಲ್ಲವೆಂಬುದನ್ನು ಸಾಬೀತುಪಡಿಸುತ್ತದೆ. ಕೆಲವು ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಹಿಂದೆ ಹರಿಯಾಣ ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಅಂಬಾಲ ನಗರದಲ್ಲಿ ಇದೇ ಕಾರಣಕ್ಕೆ ನಾಲ್ವರು ದಲಿತರ ಮಾರಣಹೋಮ ನಡೆಯಲು ಕೋಮುವಾದಿಗಳ ಪ್ರೇರಣೆ ಬಹುಮುಖ್ಯ ಕಾರಣವಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಗುಜರಾತನ್ನು ಮಾದರಿ ರಾಜ್ಯವೆಂದು ಪ್ರತಿಬಿಂಬಿಸುವ ಮೋದಿ ಸಾಹೇಬರ ಮೂಗಿನಡಿ ಕ್ಷುಲ್ಲಕ ಕಾರಣಕ್ಕೆ ಅಮಾಯಕ ದಲಿತರನ್ನು ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯಕ್ಕೆ ಗುರಿಮಾಡಿರುವುದು ಪ್ರಜಾಸತ್ತೆಯ ಕಗ್ಗೊಲೆಯಾಗಿದೆ.

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Missing Entitlements in Modern India: Relevance of Ambedkar’s Economic Thoughts and Ideas

 

Arun P

Arun PIn the context of the modern century, the most vital currency for dignified livelihood and proper well-being is nothing but entitlements and rights. Basically, the term 'entitlements' refers to the guaranteeing access to rights which is granted and protected by law in a democratic state, where an individual avails it through the legal channels established by a state. However, the epistemology of the Indian society is engulfed by graded inequality i.e., Caste System which pulverizes the universal traditions of liberty, equality, fraternity and justice. In such a hierarchized landscape, established entitlements and rights are losing their gleam, while they should be functioning to emancipate oppressed individuals from centuries old social tyranny. In such a context, the dilemma of entitlements is quite visible and importance of Ambedkar's economic theory becomes quite relevant to understand and resolve this malady. This paper is an attempt to revisit Ambedkar's economic theory to understand the 'missing entitlements' in contemporary India,  since, caste consciousness is the principal malaise which is hindering individuals to attain entitlements. This paper will reflect his ideas on three elements where entitlements are missing, they are land, labour, and education.

Generally, the trajectory of individual and societal development is measured in terms of the degree of welfare being served. The term welfare is equivocal in social sciences with varied understanding. Historically, the economists had been evaluating it in terms of material and utility served up to all individuals within an economic system. The major flaw of such an evaluation was that it failed to measure economic policies in terms of their effects on the well-being of the community. However, in welfare economics it is measured through the optimal allocation of resources by analyzing constituent elements such as laws, institutions and market as how it affects social welfare. It is essentially a normative aspect of economics.

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Why Sairat is different

 

Vidyanand Thombare

Vidyanand ThombareLove has universal value. It's eternal and thus doesn't recognise any boundaries that our social structure tries to impose on it - it exists beyond all boundaries. This universality has been widely expressed in many forms, especially through films in our society. In India, cinema and cricket are two religions on their own, apart from all the other religions. Almost every year, more than two hundred Bollywood films are released in India. Yet, it's a rare exception to find a movie which is not based on heterosexual love relationships. Every Indian movie plot revolves around the love between hero and heroine, who face some resistance to their love. Finally, they fight and succeed in getting rid of the hindrance. These movies contain a lot of emotions and dialogues that impact many. In this scenario, Nagraj Manjule's recent Marathi release, Sairat has become a benchmark in itself.

Sairat also depicts a love story, with a hero and heroine. Yet what makes it a benchmark is the fact that this is the only movie so far that has broken many traditional stereotypes. Usually, heroes and heroines are mostly familiar faces to us - most new introductions come either from a lineage of big Bollywood families or are sons and daughters of big businessmen or established politicians. There are very few good actors who manage to enter this industry with lot of struggle and they have to pass through the toughest challenges of acting, auditions etc., to get selected. Even after that, they hardly have any choice when it comes to getting a role that can do justice to their talent. Sairat is a benchmark, since both the lead actors and most of the supporting cast were not familiar faces. Neither were they from a lineage of patronage, nor were they actors. They were faces from the streets of Maharashtra that never had any thought of acting. It was only the suitability of their appearance, attitude or personality from the viewpoint of director Nagraj, that got them selected for the lead roles. This is in fact a good approach - it breaks the tradition of fake artistes (in fact non-actors) who somehow create a brand image, do everything to maintain their brand and take a larger share of the movie income. Nagaraj on the other hand selected actors from the street, saved money, and utilized it for aspects that were important for the movie, such as the background score. Would they (Nagraj and the producers, Nitin Keni and Nikhil Sane) have managed to record at Sony Symphony Studio in Hollywood if the lead actor in their film demanded a larger share of their spending?

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ଗୁମୁଡୁମାହ ହତ୍ୟାକାଣ୍ଡ: ଲୋକତନ୍ତ୍ର ଉପରେ ଆକ୍ରମଣ

 

ଯୋଗାନନ୍ଦ କୁମ୍ଭାର (Yogananda Kumbhar)

yogananda Kଗୁମୁଡୁମାହ ହତ୍ୟାକାଣ୍ଡ ରାଜ୍ୟ ନିୟୋଜିତ ଆତଂକବାଦଇତିହାସ ରେ ଆଉ ଏକ କଳଙ୍କ ଅଧ୍ୟାୟ ସୃଷ୍ଟି କରିଛିା ପୋଲିସ୍ ପ୍ରଶାସନ ଦ୍ବାରା ଘଟାଯାଉଥିଵାନରସଂହାର ଓଡିଶା ରାଜ୍ୟ ପାଇଁ କିଛି ନୁଆ ନୁହେଁ, ଏହାର ଇତିହାସ ବହୁ ପୁରୁଣା ଏବଂ ଲମ୍ବା ଅଟୋ କଳାହାଣ୍ଡି ର ଜଗସାଇପାଟନା, କନ୍ଧମାଳର ମାଦାଗୁଡା, ଯାଜପୁର ର କଳିଙ୍ଗନଗର ଇତ୍ୟାଦିର ବିଭତ୍ସ ହତ୍ୟାକାଣ୍ଡ ଚର୍ଚିତ କୁଖ୍ୟାତ ଘଟଣାବଳି ପୁଲିସ-ପ୍ରସାଶନ ର ପାରିବା ପଣିଆର ନଗ୍ନ ନିଦର୍ଶନ ଅଟୋ କନ୍ଧମାଳର ଗୁମୁଡୁମାହ ଠାରେ ଘଟିଥିବା ପୋଲିସ୍ ନରସଂହାର ରୁ ପ୍ରତୀତ ହୁଏ ଯେ ପୋଲିସ୍ଗୁଳିର ଅପବ୍ୟବହାର ରୋକିବାରେ ରାଜ୍ୟ ସରକାର ସମ୍ପୁର୍ଣ୍ଣ ବିଫଳ ହୋଇଛନ୍ତି ା ଅନ୍ୟ ପକ୍ଷରେ ପୋଲିସ୍ କି ପ୍ରଶାସନ ପୂର୍ବବର୍ତୀ ନରହତ୍ୟା ଠାରୁ ଲେସ ମାତ୍ର ମାନବିକ ମୂଲ୍ୟବୋଧ ଶିକ୍ଷା ଲାଭ କରିନାହିଁକିମ୍ବା ଅନୁଶୋଚନା ଥିବା ଭଳି ମନେ ହେଉ ନାହି ା ଏହି ସରକାରୀ ଆତଙ୍କବାଦ କେବଳ ଯେ ଓଡିଶା ବା କିଛି ରାଜ୍ୟ ରେ ସୀମିତ ଅଛି ତାହା ନୁହେଁ; ଏହା ସମଗ୍ର ଭାରତ ବର୍ଷ ରେ ମାନବ ତଥା ସମ୍ବିଧାନିକ ମୌଳିକ ଅଧିକାର ପ୍ରତି ବିପଦ ସୃଷ୍ଟି କରିଛି ା ପ୍ରତିବର୍ଷ ପୋଲିସ୍ ଗୁଳିର ଶିକାର ହୋଇ ପ୍ରାଣ ହରାଉ ଥିବା ଲୋକଙ୍କ ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଦଳିତ ତଥା ଆଦିବାସୀ ସମ୍ପ୍ରଦାୟ ର ଲୋକଙ୍କ ସଂଖ୍ୟା ସର୍ବାଧିକ ା ପୋଲିସ୍ର ବର୍ବରତା ତଥା ରାଜ୍ୟ ପ୍ରସାଶନର ଅପାରଗତା ଦେଖି ଏମିତି ଲାଗେ ଯେମିତି ଏଇ ଦଳିତ, ନିସ୍ପେଷିତ, ଆଦିବାସୀ ଲୋକଙ୍କ ବିରୁଦ୍ଧରେ ଶାସନ କଳ ଯୁଦ୍ଧ ଘୋଷଣା କରିଛି ା

ଗୁମୁଡୁମାହର ସମ୍ପୁର୍ଣ୍ଣ ଘଟଣା କ୍ରମ ଏମିତି, ଜୁଲାଇ ୮ ତାରିଖଦିନ ୧୫ ଜଣ ଗ୍ରାମବାସୀ ମହାତ୍ମା ଗାନ୍ଧୀ ନିଶ୍ଚିତ କର୍ମ ନିଯୁକ୍ତି ଯୋଜନା(MGNREGA) ର ପ୍ରାପ୍ୟ ଆଣିବାକୁ ଯାଇଥିଲେ, ପଇସା ପାଇବା ପରେ, ବଜାର ସାରି ଦୁଇଟି ଅଟୋ ରେ ଘରକୁ ଫେରୁଥିଲେ ା ବର୍ଷା ଦିନିଆ କଚ୍ଚା ମାଟି ରାସ୍ତା ଯୋଗୁଁ ଗୋଟିଏ ଅଟୋର ଚକା କାଦୁଅ ରେ ଭାସିଗଲା ଗାଁ ଠାରୁ ଅଧ କିଲୋମିଟର ଦୁରରେ; ଅଟୋରୁ ଓହ୍ଲାଇ ପୁରୁଷ ମାନେ ଗାଡି ଉଠାଇ ବାରେ ଲାଗିଲେ ଏବଂ ମହିଳା ମାନେ ଚାଲିକି ଗାଁମୁହାଁ ହେଲେ ା ଠିକ ଏହି ସମୟ ରେ ପୂର୍ବରୁ ଲୁଚି ଥିବା ଏସ.ଓ.ଜି ଯବାନଙ୍କଅତର୍କିତ ଆଖିବୁଜା ଗୁଳି ର ଶିକାର ହେଲେ ନିରୀହ ଆଦିବାସୀ ଓ ଦଳିତ ା କିଛି ବୁଝିବା ଆଗରୁ ପାଂଚ ଜଣ ଘଟଣା ସ୍ଥଳରେ ଟଳି ପଡିଲେ ଓ ତିନି ଜଣ ଆହତ ହେଲେ ା ସେଥି ମଧ୍ୟରେ ଦୁଇ ବର୍ଷ ର ଶିଶୁ ମଧ୍ୟ ବାଦ ପଡି ନ ଥିଲା, ଦୁନିଆ ଦେଖିବା ଆଗରୁ ତ ଜୀବନ ଦୀପ ଲିଭିଗଲା ା ଏ ଘଟଣା ଥିଲା ସଂଧ୍ୟା ଆଠଟା କିନ୍ତୁ ଆହତ ମାନଂକୁ ଚିକିତ୍ସା ଯୋଗାଇ ଦିଆଗଲା ଦିନ ୨ ଟା ରେ ଦୀର୍ଘ ୧୮ ଘଣ୍ଟା ବିଳମ୍ବରେ ା କାରଣ ଯବାନ୍ ମାନେ ଘେରାଉ କରି ରଖିଥିଲେ ଘଟଣା ସ୍ଥଳକୁ, ଗଣମାଧ୍ୟମ ର ହସ୍ତକ୍ଷେପ ପରେ ଘେରାଉ ବନ୍ଦୀ ହଟିଲା ା ପୋଲିସ୍ କହିଲା, ମାଓବାଦୀ ସହ ଗୁଳି ବିନିମୟ ର ପରିଣାମ, ଯାହା ଭୁଲ୍ ବୋଲି ପ୍ରମାଣିତ ହେଲା ା ସରକାର ପାଞ୍ଚ ଲକ୍ଷ ର ଅନୁକମ୍ପା ରାଶି ଓ ମୃତକ ପରିବାରର ଜଣକୁ ଚାକିରି ଘୋଷଣା କରି ସମସ୍ୟାର ସମାଧାନ କରିଦେଲେ ା କିନ୍ତୁ ଦୋଷୀ ମାନଂକ ବିରୁଦ୍ଧ ରେ ପଦୁଟିଏ କହିଲେ ନାହି କି ଦୃଷ୍ଟାନ୍ତ ମୂଳକ ଆଶୁ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟାନୁଷ୍ଠାନ ନେବାକୁ ଉଚିତ୍ ମଣିଲେ ନାହି ା ସମ୍ପୃକ୍ତ ଏସ୍. ପି ଓ ଏସ.ଓ.ଜି ମୁଖ୍ୟଙ୍କୁ ନିଲମ୍ବନକଲେ ନାହିଁ; କେବଳ ଅନୁସନ୍ଧାନ କରିବା ପାଇଁ କମିଶନ ଗଠନ କରି ହାତ ଝାଡି ଦେଲେ ା ନିଲମ୍ବନ କରିବା ନ୍ୟାୟିକ ପ୍ରକ୍ରିୟାର ଏକ ମୁଖ୍ୟ ଅଂଶ ବିଶେଷ ଅଟେ; କାରଣ କ୍ଷମତା ର ଦୁରୁପଯୋଗ କରି ସମ୍ପୃକ୍ତ ଅଧିକାରୀ ତଥ୍ୟ/ପ୍ରମାଣ କୁ ନିଜ ସପକ୍ଷରେ କରିବାର ଆଶଙ୍କା ରହିଥାଏ ା ସାରଥୀ ବାବା ମାମଲା ରେ ସତିଶ ଗଜଭିୟ କୁ ନିଲମ୍ବନ କରିବା ଏବଂ ଗୁମୁଡୁମାହ ମାମଲାରେ ଏସ୍. ପି. ପିନାକୀ ମିଶ୍ର କୁ ଘଣ୍ଟ ଘୋଡାଇବା ସରକାର ର ଦଳିତ/ ଆଦିବାସୀ ବିରୋଧୀ ଆଭିମୁଖ୍ୟ ସ୍ପଷ୍ଟ ବାରି ହୁଏ ା ମୁଖ୍ୟ ମନ୍ତ୍ରୀ ସମାଜର ତଳ ଶ୍ରେଣୀର ଲୋକଙ୍କ ଜୀବନ ପ୍ରତି କେତେ ଗୁରୁତ୍ଵଦିଅନ୍ତି ଏବଂ ତାଙ୍କ ନ୍ୟାୟ ପ୍ରତି କେତେ ପ୍ରଚେଷ୍ଟା ତାହା ଆଜି ପଦାରେ ପଡି ଯାଇଛି ା ସତ କହିବାକୁ ଗଲେ ଏଇ ପାତର ଅନ୍ତର ନୀତି ନବୀନ ସରକାରଙ୍କ ଅସଲ ମୁଖା ଖୋଲି ଦେଇଛି ାଦ୍ଵିତୀୟ ରେ ପ୍ରଶ୍ନ ଉଠେ କମିଶନତଦନ୍ତ ଉପରେ; ଓଡିଶା ଇତିହାସ ରେ କମିଶନତଦନ୍ତ ର ଫଳାଫଳ ଶୂନା କେଉଁଠି କମିଶନବାଟ ବଣା ହୋଇଯାଇଛି ତ କେଉଁଠି ଠିକଣା ସମୟରେ ରିପୋର୍ଟ ଦାଖଲ କରିପାରି ନାହିଁ ା ଯେଉଁଠି ବି ରିପୋର୍ଟ ଦାଖଲ ହେଇଛି ଆଇନ ଅନୁଯାଇ କାର୍ଯ୍ୟାନୁଷ୍ଠାନ ହୋଇ ନାହିଁ ା ତେଣୁ କମିଶନ ନ୍ୟାୟ ପ୍ରଦାନର ମାଧ୍ୟମ ହେଇ ପାରିବ ଭାବିବା ଭୁଲ୍ ା

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Dalit: Identity or Commodity for Savarnas?

 

Gaurav Somwanshi

gaurav somwanshiConsider the following three instances:

1. Until just a few years ago, the mere mention of the word 'Dalit' aroused scorn from even the most veteran progressives and media outlets that countered it with "we're all humans". That hypocritical silliness of "we're all humans" argument is still there, but now almost every mainstream media outlet, be it a television channel, magazine, or social media page, will have something or the other containing the word 'Dalit'. So, what really changed? Was it assertion punching its way into the 'mainstream' (read hegemonic) imagination? Or was it the perversion of the same assertion by the savarnas, a commoditisation of the identity?

2. Quite a few articles on the blockbuster movie 'Sairat' have mentioned the lead hero as being Dalit. But he is not. The character of Prashant Kale (Parshya) belongs to the Pardhi community which falls under Scheduled Tribes category (some sub-castes of the Pardhi community fall under VJ/NT category in Maharashtra state list, and clubbed with OBCs in the centre), and this community is a collection of tribes and sub-castes who were formerly labeled as 'criminal tribes'. This won't fit the definition of the word Dalit, which means former untouchables who are now categorized under Scheduled Castes. The term Dalit has also primarily taken shape as a political identity wherever the assertions have sprung up (especially the autobiographies), but there are still no reliable studies to confirm if all the 1000+ ex-untouchable castes use it for themselves as a political identity. The usage of the word has a history of vibrant and extensive debates as well, including a claim to dismiss the word altogether as it was declared unconstitutional by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes.

Does this change anything regarding our perception of the movie? No, it doesn't. And it shouldn't when we think of the portrayed injustice in the story, as the Pardhi community has suffered both at the hands of society and bureaucracy since centuries. The social stigma of being labelled as criminal tribes in the past still creates hurdles in their daily lives and they live on the margins of the society even today, with their voices suppressed. Hence we should ask ourselves, why was the character so eagerly labelled as Dalit by mainstream media outlets?

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Politics Behind Tarun Sagar's Visit to Haryana Vidhan Sabha : A Dalit Bahujan Perspective

 

Gurinder Azad

Jai Bhim friends. Welcome to Round Table India's Ambedkar Age program, a series of interviews, talks and documentaries on current issues from a Dalit Bahujan perspective. 

On 26 August 2016, Haryana government started the monsoon session of Vidhan Sabha with a speech by Tarun Sagar who is a Jain preacher. It is for the first time in the history of post independence India that a religious 'guru' was invited inside the Vidhan Sabha. As all of us know, Tarun Sagar doesn't wear any garments, except a loin cloth. He came naked despite the fact that in the Vidhan Sabha there were women as well. 


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Love in the Times of 'Caste Killings'

 

Purnachandra Naik

Review of the novel 'Pyre' by Perumal Murugan

Title: Pyre

Author: Perumal Murugan

Translator: Aniruddhan Vasudevan

Publisher: Penguin Books India

Pages: 200

Price: 399 rupees

purnaIn a society yet to wake up from the deep slumber of caste practices, love across caste lines is a formidable “crime”. In a society yet to shake off the lingering feudal yesteryear honour, daring to love and live together across caste boundaries, thereby defying and attempting to undo the caste pride is a formidable act that entails its own share of “punishment”, most of the time meted out by none other than the caste councils in the den of casteism, the village system. But at the same time, it is the instinctive innocent human love across the clearly demarcated and strongly guarded caste community lines that defy the logic of caste hatred, discrimination and the multiple levels of violence that caste produces and perpetuates. Hence love across caste lines can be a counter current to the established hierarchical caste structure.

 Love, honour, discrimination and defiance in the face of stifling caste structure are some of the seminal themes in the novel, Pyre by Perumal Murugan which has been translated recently into English by Aniruddhan Vasudevan. Originally written as Pookkuzhi in Tamil, it is set in the background where the narrative shifts between the village to city and again back to the village.

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Are Reservations Caste Based?

 

Hariram A

hariram a 1Indian history is a history of bigotry, it is filled with the loads of lies and misinterpretations. These lies have become the base for the exploitation of millions of indigenous communities in this country. But, many great souls fought against the system which was created by these bigotries, and were successful in educating the exploited and rectifying the system to some extent with some practical measures. Reservation is one such measure which was formulated to fight the discrimination based on the venomous caste system, Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj was the first person to fight against the discriminatory and caste based reservation which was prevalent in India since 185 B.C from the day of inception of Manusmriti. Manusmriti, written by Sumati Bhargava, not only had a legal sanction it also had a divine sanction, which led to the subjugation of millions of shudras including the Brahmin women, who form the majority (Bahujan) of the Indian society through the denial of educational, social, political and employment rights. Sumati Bhargava's Manusmriti gave 100% Reservation for Brahmins in Education, 100% Reservation for Kshatriyas in Power, 100% Reservation for Vaishyas in wealth and 100% Reservation for Shudras (Bahujans) in Service. This System of Reservation was purely based on caste and caste was based on birth not on merit. This caste based reservation not only pushed these shudras and women into slavery, it also made our nation into a slave nation. As many races and countries were able to defeat us easily as it was only the kshatriyas who had a right to posses and use the weapon. This forced India into the continuous subjugation. This effect can be seen even today. Many claim that our land was a land of opportunities, but, the statistics speak otherwise, the literacy rate according to 1901 census was just 6%, and it was just 16% in 1951. This made majority of Indians to remain illiterate, unproductive and remain in extreme poverty, and also this made India to remain underdeveloped in every sphere. This was the contribution of the caste based reservation created by the Manusmriti.

As an antidote to the caste based reservation and its evils, the Maharaja of Kolhapur province, Shri Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj, for the first time in the history of India, formulated a policy of reservation as a policy of representation in the place of caste based Reservation by introducing the 50% reservation for non-Brahmin communities in state service on July 26th 1902. With this, the flood gates of opportunities was opened to all the exploited communities. This was able to put an end to the caste based discrimination and allowed every individual to get the opportunity in public service. The king of Mysore province, Shri Nalwadi Krishnaraja Wodeyar, was also able to introduce the reservation in public service to all the non-brahmin communities to the extent of 75% in Mysore province. This was opposed by the so-called nationalists Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Sir M. Vishveshwariah respectivel. But, this one decision of these visionary kings led to the creation of an elite and thinking class among the shudras. This also led to the emergence of a great nationalist and the visionary leader Babasaheb Ambedkar, who with his knowledge, intellect, visionary zeal and leadership made a mark as a great social reformer, economist, constitutionalist and a political leader. There was a resistance and intolerance from the Congress leadership and other nationalists, the casteist mainstream media also projected Dr. Ambedkar as the British agent and as an untouchable leader, but, he fought all the odds and became the member of the Constituent Assembly. Later, the Congress conspired against him and made him to lose his membership by giving away his constituency Jaisur and Kulna to Pakistan during partition. But he was able to convince the British and get re-elected to the Constituent Assembly and become the Chairman of the Drafting committee and effectively incorporated the reservation or representational provisions into the constitution to protect the shudras/Bahujans/ (SCs, STs, OBCs) from exploitation.

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Making Stars on the Shore: Ramblings on Caste, Religion


Carmel Christy

ckittithThe Christmas star was hung on top of the mango tree in front of Metilda's house. It was made of white paper and nine edges of narrow plywood pieces carved from bamboo trees, pasted together by a mix of maida flour boiled in water. Manuel, Metilda's father worked on the star everyday after coming back from work around six in the evening till late in the night. The mood was that of anticipation, creation and happiness that the girls – Romana, Frudentia, Ilene and Metilda -- will roam around him wanting to help him in creating the serene symbol of light. It took 15 days to complete, and then on December 24, it was hung on the tree with a kerosene lamp inside. It lit up the tiny front yard and the even humbler house in the middle of the city, as well as the girls' hearts. After coming back from the church on Christmas day, they gathered together to cut the Christmas cake and started playing around as the fragrance of all kinds of spices melting with beef and fish spread around which is a rare treat for their senses. Young men gather together in the corners of the colony having fun and sometimes getting into fights with each other. After a day's rest, on the 27th, the men go back to work, most of them factory workers or manual labourers. Everyone was home, from the oldest to the youngest, on December 31 to celebrate the coming year, sharing wine and cake at midnight. The star was taken off the tree on the 13th day, i.e., January the 6th which marks the post-birth rituals of Virgin Mary.

Life thrives at the peripheries of cities, marked by oppressions of various structures such as caste and religion. Despite how the structures manage to retain the peripheries without leaving any breathing space, there are numerous narratives about the resilience of people who resist and live through it subverting these very structures. Conversion of lower castes into Catholicism by colonisers, especially the Portuguese, across the Southwest coast of India has been noted as having oppressive as well as subversive streaks. Along with the stories of violence, there are plenty of narratives about how the stigmatised communities, especially fishermen in the coastal belt of Kochi, Kollam and Thiruvananthapuram, considered it as an opportunity to break free from the shackles of the oppressive Brahminical tradition. Yet, the contemporary Dalitbahujan narratives show how the potential of freedom from the shackles of caste and Brahminism was limited as the boundaries of caste were observed by all Catholic communities including Latin Catholics, according to their previous Hindu caste order which the church also helped to retain. Marriages between upper-caste (Syrian) catholics, lower-caste (Latin) catholics and Dalit Christians are still very uncommon as endogamous marriages to protect Hindu Brahminical value system was very well incorporated into Christianity in regions like Kerala.

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Social Transformation and Nation

 

Pruthviraj Rama Gorakh

pruthviraj ramagorakhFrom the last two years, the topics of nation and nationalism are being hotly debated in the country. In the last parliamentary elections, the BJP's campaign put forth their idea of nation, based on Hindu nationalism. As they complete two years in office, we are now able to analyze their idea of nation and nationalism. Who constitutes their nation? Who has been excluded? What thoughts and principles is their nationalism based on?

Since 2014, the elected state machinery and its allied groups have been promoting campaigns such as Ghar Wapsi, war against 'Love Jihad' etc. On the surface, these seem to target the minorities of the country. While it is true that minorities of the country are victims of Hindu jingoism, that has not been the only reality. We have to ask the larger questions about why they are being targeted and about the politics and hidden agendas behind this.

Any nationalism requires an enemy in order to grow. Hindu nationalism has considered Muslims and other minorities as its enemy so that it could unify the Hindu masses, while keeping the differences and hierarchy intact within the fold. When I say keeping the differences and hierarchy intact, I am referring to the monster of caste, which is in the interest of those who are beating the drums of Hindu nationalism. Hindu nationalism is a new form of brahmanical hegemony. They have just changed their name for the 20th century and put forth the illusive ideas of V.D. Savarkar and Golwalkar1.

The binary of Hindu-Muslim has been created by the so-called Hindu nationalists, and is based on pseudo history. Around the world, wherever a fascist nation has risen, they have created pseudo history to justify its existence. In the Indian context, Hindu nationalism has done the same thing. They have put forth pseudo history and the pseudo binary of Hindu-Muslim,with which they could divert the attention of the masses from real structural problems, and operationalize caste-feudalistic-patriarchal2 structures by burying the voices of the oppressed under the beautiful and decorative carpet of Hindu nation.

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ದೇವರಾಜ ಅರಸು ಸಮಾಜ ಪರಿವರ್ತಕ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ

 

ಶಂಕರ್ ಎನ್ ಎಸ್

shankar nsದೇವರಾಜ ಅರಸು ಮೊದಲ ಬಾರಿಗೆ 1972 ರಲ್ಲಿ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿಯಾದರು. 77ರವರೆಗೆ ಪೂರ್ಣಾವಧಿ ಆಡಳಿತ ನಡೆಸಿದರು. ನಂತರ ಮತ್ತೆ 78ರಲ್ಲಿ ಎರಡನೇ ಬಾರಿ ಅದೇ ಹುದ್ದೆಗೇರಿದರು. 1980ರಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಧಾನಿ ಇಂದಿರಾಗಾಂಧಿಯವರೊಂದಿಗೆ ವಿರಸ ತಲೆದೋರಿದ ಕಾರಣ ಅವರು ಪದವಿಯಿಂದ ಕೆಳಗಿಳಿಯಬೇಕಾಗಿ ಬಂತು.
ಅಂತೂ ಈ ನಾಡಿನ ಸೌಭಾಗ್ಯ- ಎಂಟು ವರ್ಷ ಕಾಲ ಸತತವಾಗಿ ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಚುಕ್ಕಾಣಿ ಹಿಡಿದು ಆಡಳಿತ ನಡೆಸುವ ಅವಕಾಶ ಅರಸರಿಗೆ ಸಿಕ್ಕಿತು. ಯಾಕೆಂದರೆ ಅಂಥ ದೂರದೃಷ್ಟಿ, ದಕ್ಷತೆ, ಸಂಕಲ್ಪ ಶಕ್ತಿಗಳೊಂದಿಗೆ ಒಟ್ಟು ಜನಸ್ತೋಮದ ಪಾಡನ್ನೇ ಬದಲಿಸಿದ ದ್ರಷ್ಟಾರ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕಕ್ಕೆ ದಕ್ಕಿದಂತೆ ಭಾರತದಲ್ಲಿ ಇನ್ನಾವ ರಾಜ್ಯಕ್ಕೂ ಸಿಕ್ಕಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಆದರೇನು ಮಾಡುವುದು? ಸ್ವತಃ ಅರಸು ಅದೃಷ್ಟವಂತರಲ್ಲ! ಯಾಕೆಂದರೆ ಅವರು ಇಟ್ಟ ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಹೆಜ್ಜೆಗಳ ವಸ್ತುನಿಷ್ಠ ಮೌಲ್ಯಮಾಪನ ಎಂದೂ ನಡೆಯಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಅವರ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲೂ ನಡೆಯಲಿಲ್ಲ, ಆಮೇಲೂ ಇಲ್ಲ. ಯಾವ ಸಮಾಜವಿಜ್ಞಾನಿಯೂ ಅವರ ಕಾಲಮಾನದ ಮೂಲ ಸಂಘರ್ಷಗಳನ್ನು ಅರಿಯುವ ಹಾಗೂ ಅರ್ಥೈಸುವ ಪ್ರಯತ್ನವನ್ನೂ ಮಾಡಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಅವರ ರಾಜ್ಯಭಾರದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಇಂದಿಗೂ ಎಣೆಯಿಲ್ಲದಷ್ಟು ಅಪಕಲ್ಪನೆಗಳೇ ಚಾಲ್ತಿಯಲ್ಲಿವೆ. ಇನ್ನೊಂದು ಕಡೆ ಅವರ ಪ್ರಗತಿಪರ ನೀತಿಗಳಿಂದಾಗಿಯೇ ಅವರ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಮೇಲ್ವರ್ಗಗಳು ಬೆಳೆಸಿಕೊಂಡ ಅಸೀಮ ಅಸಹನೆಯೂ ಹಾಗೇ ಮುಂದುವರೆದಿದೆ!...

1972ರ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮೊದಲ ಬಾರಿ ಸದನದಲ್ಲಿ ಶೇಕಡಾ 70ಕ್ಕಿಂತಲೂ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ದಲಿತ, ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ, ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತ ವರ್ಗದ ಪ್ರಾತಿನಿಧ್ಯ ಇರುವಂತೆ ನೋಡಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದ ಅರಸು, ತಮ್ಮ ಸಕ್ರಿಯ ಬದುಕಿನುದ್ದಕ್ಕೂ ಆ ವರ್ಗಗಳ ಯುವಕರನ್ನು ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸಿ ಪ್ರೋತ್ಸಾಹಿಸುತ್ತಲೇ ಇದ್ದರು. ಹೀಗೆ ಯುವಪೀಳಿಗೆಯನ್ನು ಎಲ್ಲ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರೋತ್ಸಾಹಿಸುವ ದೃಷ್ಟಿಯಿಂದಲೇ ಅರಸು ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿಯಾದ ಆರು ತಿಂಗಳಿಗೇ ಸರ್ಕಾರಿ ನೌಕರಿ ನೇಮಕಾತಿ ನಿಯಮಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಮಾರ್ಪಾಡು ತಂದರು. ಮುಂಚಿನ ನಿಯಮಾವಳಿಯಂತೆ ನಾಲ್ಕನೇ ದರ್ಜೆ ನೌಕರರ ಹೊರತು ಮಿಕ್ಕೆಲ್ಲರ ನೇಮಕಾತಿ ರಾಜ್ಯಮಟ್ಟದ ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ಸೇವಾ ಆಯೋಗದಿಂದ ನಡೆಯಬೇಕಿತ್ತು. ಅರಸು ಈಗ ಆ ನಿಯಮಾವಳಿಗೆ ಬದಲಾವಣೆ ತಂದು, ಮೊದಲ ಹಾಗೂ ಎರಡನೇ ದರ್ಜೆ ಗೆಜೆ಼ಟೆಡ್ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳನ್ನು ಹೊರತುಪಡಿಸಿ ಮಿಕ್ಕೆಲ್ಲ ನೌಕರರ ನೇಮಕಾತಿಯೂ ಸ್ಥಳೀಯವಾಗಿ ನಡೆಯುವಂತೆ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾ ಮಟ್ಟದ ಆಯ್ಕೆ ಸಮಿತಿಗಳನ್ನು ರಚಿಸಿದರು. ಈ ಸಮಿತಿಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಸ್ಥಳೀಯ ಶಾಸಕರು, ದುರ್ಬಲ ವರ್ಗಗಳು, ದಲಿತರು ಮತ್ತು ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತ ವರ್ಗಗಳಿಗೆ ಸೇರಿದ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಕಾರ್ಯಕರ್ತರು ಇದ್ದುದು ಅರಸರ ಆಶಯಕ್ಕೆ ಅನುಗುಣವಾಗಿಯೇ ಇತ್ತು.

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Caste in God's Own Country: Dalit woman journalist and family attacked

 

Investigative report by Rupesh Kumar, first published on 24th August 2016 in Narada News. Translated from Malayalam by Navami TS.

The lustre of the centenary celebrations of Sree Narayana Guru's proclamation 'we do not have caste' in hypocritical Kerala has been turned into a comic scene by the corrupted smog of the brutal casteist regimes today. The glorified 'enlightened' Kerala society would be scorned for the plight of a young Dalit journalist, Saritha Mahin and her family for they are trying to escape the beastly clutches of the neighbouring family's efforts in grabbing the two and half cent land registered in her family's name. Poonkunnam in Thrissur, the celebrated cultural capital of Kerala, has become the arena for the dirty politics of caste hierarchy. Even the education and the position of journalist fell short while competing with the dominion of the 'upper' castes.

saritha-mahin

Saritha Mahin

This issue throws as much light as to pave ways to subvert the perpetuated belief that considers the sufferings of Dalits as a culmination of their lack of proficiency in education. Saritha is a journalist and her family consists of a research scholar, a police officer and a dentist. The supposed qualifications to lead a noble life are complete. But the situation is not as such. The struggles to which they are subjected to would surely evoke contempt in those hearts that believe in upholding the democratic and secular values in a society.

The atrocities perpetrated upon the Dalit spaces have become mere stories that embellish the public spheres that make a hue and cry against reservation for the Dalits and the minorities. The blemished reality of the casteist Kerala society can be read through this problematic situation where a Dalit family had to struggle to overcome the racism operated upon them through their own land, though they had succeeded in attaining knowledge, education and jobs.

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