OBC Quota: Reservation without Accommodation


Raja Choudhary 


raja choudaryPublic universities and colleges in India have an insufficient number of hostels in India. Even so, the Government of India has no further plan for new hostels.

As per the All India Survey of Higher Education (2015-16), there are 799 Universities, 39,071 Colleges, and 11,923 Stand Alone Institutions listed on AISHE Web Portal and out of this 754 Universities, 33,903 Colleges and 7,154 Stand Alone Institutions have responded during the survey. 268 Universities have affiliated colleges. The total enrolment in higher education has been estimated to be 34.6 million, with 18.6 million boys and 16 million girls. Girls constitute 46.2% of the total enrolment. But there are only 26,652 hostels where 2,205,321 residents are living inside the residential facilities of Central Universities, State Public Universities and affiliated Constituent Colleges combined.


Why the Bhakti Movement in Kerala has been Sidelined from the National Narrative?


Umar Nizar 

umarThe Bhakti movement of Ramanuja, Nimbarka, Madhava, Ramananda, Vallabhacharya, Chaitanya, Nam Dev, Kabir, and Guru Nanak had very little impact on Kerala…. The problem of reconciliation between Hinduism and Islam also did not arise seriously in Kerala in that period. Contact with outside ceased to exist in the age of Chola imperialistic wars. A line of saints, between 13th c. and 17th c. propagated Krishna Cult. Whether it can be characterised as a Bhakti movement is doubtful. It had no political and social background. Most of these saints were devotees of Srikrishna of Guruvayur. The earliest of them were Bilvamangalam alias Krsna Lilasuka (1251-1350 CE). (Nambudiri, 160)


Reservation based on economic status will annihilate social justice: Dr. Thol. Thirumavalavan


Suresh RV 

This discussion was held on 3.5.2019, before Respected Dr. Thol. Thirumavalavan was elected Member of the Parliament. We express our sincere thanks to him for giving us this opportunity and our best wishes for his victory in the elections. The discussion was based on the topic of 10% reservations given to the economically weaker sections among the upper castes. 

thiruma suresh

Sir, first and foremost, what is your opinion on the 103rd constitutional amendment act that provides reservations to the EWS among the upper castes?

Many are debating from the perspective that the 10% reservations are given to the upper castes. Though it might be basically true, the important premise of this reservation happens to be based on economic criteria. Rather than the point that it is given to the upper castes, the more important point that should be focused on is that it is primarily based on economic criteria. Social justice has been the only basis on which reservations have been implemented until now. Economic basis had not been considered a criterion before. Social status and discrimination based on birth have affected all spaces such as society, politics, economics, and culture. As a result of which many communities have been affected and thus have been identified. The basis for the principle of social justice is to ensure justice to them. That reservations should be ensured to these affected people in the fields of education, occupation, and politics so as to empower them in all fields, is the ideology behind social justice. 


Tribute to Raja Dhale: Panther Who Once Set Bhagwad Gita on Fire


Pardeep Attri

Born on 30 September 1940, Raja Dhale, one of the founders of the Dalit Panthers, died today (16 July 2019) at his residence in Mumbai. He was 78. His life struggle is as inspiring as that of many other Dalits who struggle and fight against the caste system enshrined upon us by Brahmins.

Rajabhau Dhale

Disheartened from the fragmentation of Republican Party of India and taking inspiration from the Black Panther organization of the USA, Raja Dhale along with Namdeo Dhasal, J V Pawar and others founded the Dalit Panthers, a social organization, on 29 May 1972 at Siddharth Vihar, Bombay, to raise the voice of Dalits more aggressively. Raja Dhale was elected as a President, Namdeo Dhasal as Defence Minister, and J V Pawar as General Secretary. Raja Dhale emerged as a star among the Panthers for his radical writings and speeches.


Dalitism isn't final, Humanism is: Panther Raja Dhale


Rahul Gaikwad


One always gets a feeling of being at a crossroad whenever a luminary like Panther Raja Dhale leaves this world. After Namdeo Dhasal, he was the other stellar leader and co-founder of the Dalit Panthers. The void left by these legends is very huge for Ambedkarites and the Ambedkarite movement.


Panther Raja Dhale was such a multifaceted personality that it's impossible to capture his persona and achievements in one article or tribute. In fact, another co-founder of Dalit panthers has already written in an edited volume ..... Still, some feel it's not enough.

Raja dhale I would not like to claim that I know all that is there to know about him or written by him either. But as someone being in awe of his free-spirited thinking wherein he didn't mince words even while delivering a scathing criticism of Ambedkarite movement, it's only natural that some of his thoughts be reflected upon for they are as relevant as they were many decades ago and shall be guiding principles for the future of the Ambedkarite movement.


Dalitism is not final, humanism is final. ~ Panther Raja Dhale



Countering ‘Jai Sri Ram’ with ‘Jai Bhim’


Pardeep Attri

On Tuesday (18 June 2019), when Asaduddin Owaisi, member of parliament from Hyderabad and president of AIMIM, approached to take oath in parliament slogans of 'Jai Sri Ram', 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai' and 'Vande Mataram' were shouted by sitting BJP MPs, creating nuisance and intimidation. Such provoking and intimidation of a leader of a minority community was done purposely and worries you about the direction Indian lawmakers are taking. After winning the elections, that saw an extremely divisive campaign led by BJP, such behavior from BJP MPs should not surprise anyone. But such heckling of MP should still be questioned by the right-minded. It is becoming much more common: BJP MPs shout 'Jai Sri Ram' slogans in the parliament, during the swearing-in ceremony of President Kovind, the same slogans were shouted by BJP MPs.


Owaisi didn't hold it back for long and ended his oath-taking ceremony with 'Jai Bhim', 'Jai Meem', 'Takbeer Allahu Akbar', and 'Jai Hind'. Apart from this, other MPs while taking oath uttered various kinds of slogans while ending their oath ceremony, such as 'Jai Mata Di' to 'Jai Maa Kaali', 'Jai Hind' to 'Jai Bangla' and 'Om Namah Shivay' to 'Mandir Wahi Banayege', turning parliament into a circus, as if there was some competition going on to utter the best slogan. These are not merely the slogans but represent the ideology that these MPs represent.


The Bogieman

Dushyant Yadav

dushyant yadav july19There is no such thing as an anti-caste enforcer, and this is a write-up about it. Hushed under the rumbling of the wheels, the chugging of the engine, the hissing and screeching of the breaks and the blaring of the horn, the monster of caste becomes impotent when locked inside the bogie of a train. For, how much the caste of your co-passenger bothers you? Do you even ask for it? Do you even care if the cook-on-wheels is a Dalit or a brahmin? No, you don’t. Casteism is, therefore, behavioural and spatially conditioned. It exists inside a temple but is in abeyance on a rail aisle.

The egalitarian eccentricity of the railways is as old as the tracks themselves. The Indian National Congress used railways as an integrationist during the freedom struggle. Arup K Chatterjee in ‘The Purveyors of Destiny: A Cultural Biography of Indian Railways’ writes, “The Indian National Congress used the railways as the umbrella to connect members from the “Indian intelligentsia and ascendant professional classes across the subcontinent.” Notwithstanding the affluent status of many of these members in their respective communities, it took only a journey by train to remind them of the hostile treatment meted out to train-travelling Indians by the colonial administration and European passengers, as though they were second— or third—class citizens in their own country. Post-independence, too, the railways functioned as the harbinger of nation-building. Defying the Radcliffe Line, railroads lugged people across during partition. In the following decades, the railways made horizontal growth, aiding the country thrive vertically. But then in 2014, the Bogieman comes aboard.


பொருளாதார அடிப்படையிலான இடஒதுக்கீடு சமூக நீதியை அழித்தொழித்து விடும் - முனைவர். தொல். திருமாவளவன்


Suresh R V 

பொருளாதாரத்தில் நலிந்த உயர்சாதியினருக்கு வழங்கப்படும் 10 சதவிகிதம் இடஒதுக்கீடு குறித்து முனைவர். தொல். திருமாவளவன், எம்.பி அவர்களுடனான ஒரு உரையாடல். 

இந்த உரையாடல் 3.5.2019 அன்று  நிகழ்ந்தது., அதாவது, மதிப்பிற்குரிய முனைவர்.தொல் திருமாவளவன் அவர்கள் எம்.பி. ஆக தேர்தலில் வெற்றிப்பெறுவதற்கு முன்பாக நடந்தது. எங்களுக்கு இந்த வாய்ப்பினை தந்ததற்கு நன்றிகளையும், தேர்தலில் வெற்றிப்பெற்றதற்கு எங்களது வாழ்த்துகளையும் நாங்கள் தெரிவித்துக் கொள்கிறோம்.

thiruma suresh


A Critique on Article 15: Unravelling the Brahmin Saviour Complex


Nandhana Prem

nandhana prem 1As I entered into the dimly lit multiplex for a second show, I saw seats almost half-filled, people busy chattering about Article 15. The film takes off with a folk song, drawing the attention of the audience from their chatters to that of a gut-wrenching explication on discrimination met by the Dalits. In doing so, it tries to evoke sympathy rather than attempt to probe into the real questions.

The opening scene of the film plunges into Lalgaon as the protagonist of the film Ayan Ranjan, an IPS officer, travels through this village in UP which is barren in its setting as well as the actions that proceed in the course of the film. The divergent climate, the desolate village as opposed to the tarred highway--as if we can see caste as existing only in the rural parts. Ayan's conversation with the driver sets the tone of a binary wherein there is immense usage of the word 'yeh log', categorizing the Dalits as the 'other'. Through the statements that elucidate their untouchable status imposed by the upper caste, the polarization seems to be something that Ayan does not comprehend initially, until he eventually goes through the various events that take place in the village.


The Spectre of Caste is Haunting Bahujan Politics


Vinod Kumar

vinod kumar 1Babasaheb Ambedkar and his ideas revolve around caste as the central problem of the Indian society. His vision and objectives are clear: establishing an egalitarian society through annihilation of caste. Throughout his life he fought for these objectives and provided philosophy, method, and vision for a new society. In many ways he succeeded in ensuring human rights for the downtrodden through constitutional measures and social reforms. Babasaheb provided an ideological base for Bahujan politics in independent India.

Post Ambedkar Dalit-Bahujan politics became significant mostly after 1982 with the emergence of Kanshiram and his political organisation Bahujan Samaj Party, although a social and cultural movement was already prevalent in Maharasthra. By appealing to different castes of Dalit-Shudras, BSP succeeded in forming government in a state such as UP under the leadership of Mayavati who belongs to the Dalit community. Through the political strategy of social engineering BSP emerged as a national party, managing to mobilise the different Dalit-Bahujan castes and became capable of forming government independently in 2007.


Article 15: The Casteless Brahmin Hero


Ravindra Kumar Goliya

ravi goliyaIf movies are about storytelling, then 'Article 15' is a very well made movie. It grips you for the entire duration of 2 hours and 11 minutes. Also, it is said to be a movie about caste and who else other than a Brahmin can make a good movie on 'Caste', since it is a system designed by and for Brahmins. Not only is the film about caste, but it is also about how caste is perceived by savarnas and that is depicted very honestly. This is very much evident in how different characters and scenes were created. 

But movies are not only about storytelling alone, they also claim to hold a mirror to society. They create certain stereotypes by creating typical characters and sequences. Of course, these mirrors come with different filters and in this movie the filter is 'a movie made by savarna, for savarnas'.


‘Why we have come here to die?'

Veeravenghai Vinith Kumar

vinithThis article does not presume to produce any new, ground-breaking insight. It is only a reflection of my disagreements with a film that has, for some reason received a lot of appreciation for its portrayal of the incidents that surrounded PhD scholar, Rohith Vemula’s death. 

The film in question is titled ‘We have not come here to die’, made by Deepa Dhanraj, a much revered documentary filmmaker of Women’s Movements. This documentary though revolves around the death of Rohith Vemula, a PhD scholar from the University of Hyderabad (UoH).

The film begins with the news of Rohith’s death to a backdrop of a normally functioning city. A couple of frames into the film we are met with slogans raised in Hindi that read, ‘Rohith teri khoon se inquilab aayega’ and ‘arey kitne Rohith ko maroge, har ghar se Rohith niklega’. The filmmaker presents the first glimpse of what she intends to do with the film. It is clear that we have to come to terms with the fact that Rohith is dead but that his blood will ignite the flames of revolution.


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