Calling out Hysteria


Jyotsna Siddharth

jyotsna 3When Dalits are beaten up mercilessly with an iron rod in broad daylight, it shakes but doesn't break us. When an 11-year-old Dalit girl is gang raped repeatedly by the same men, it doesn't question our morale; it disturbs us, but doesn't leave us sleepless at night.

What do we do? And how do we progress from here? The benchmark for quality of life, especially for Dalits is often lower than worse. These are tough questions, so please do not rely on me to answer them for you. I am no pundit and definitely do not possess tailor-made, quick fix solutions. I want to talk to you and express my restlessness, anxiety, and troubled state of mind about thenever-ending atrocities towards Dalits. And the gruesome treatment that is meted out to them, which continues at this very moment, today, now!

Our prime minister is hopping from country to country, charming his way into the international political scene. He is gathering massive recognition and support from people - upper-caste Hindus around the world. It does not make me a proud Indian; instead I'm deeply saddened. As citizens of this country, some of us continue to wonder how this country- Hindustan- perpetuates, tolerates and digests severe forms of injustice and apathy towards a huge section of society i.e. the Dalits.

Many would say this very argument resonates with several issues surfacing in India today. From the state of Muslims in this country to the political mess our politicians have brought upon us, like severing the lives of thousands in Kashmir. Millions that have gone through generations of cruelty and violence by the state, all this should put us to shame for we are all part of the problem.

Dalits on the other hand are used as scapegoats for filling up vote banks, 'cleaning' the country that doesn't regard them as humans. Women from this community are physically and mentally tortured, raped, publicly humiliated, as a horrific lesson for the community to remember, to never retaliate against the normalised, assumed authority of upper-caste Hindus and the impunity that they so enjoy.


Critique of the model of Universal Health Coverage in Karnataka


Dr. Sylvia Karpagam

Sylvia pix(Critique of the model of Universal Health Coverage in Karnataka – response to an article, 'Bogeys on the Universal Health Coverage train', in the Hindu on July 28th 2016)

K Srinath Reddy has been allowed prime space under policy watch by the Hindu, dated 28th July 2016, to share his thoughts and deep understanding of the health system in the country. While warning us that the public health agenda should not be derailed by the populism of electoral politics, personal preferences of prominent medical professionals or the parsimony of public financing, he then goes on to talk about a revamped Rashtriya Swasth Bima Yojana without even having the ethics to talk about the serious issues arising out of this scheme.

The Parliamentary standing committee in its 92nd report raised serious concerns about the Medical Council of India (MCI) on its failure to connect medical education with the health system and to create a curriculum that produces doctors suited to working in the Indian context especially in the rural and poor urban areas. The devaluation of merit in admission, especially into private medical institutions and particularly due to capitation fees, has made medical education available only to the rich and has failed to produce competent basic doctors. The report also states that there is heavy focus on infrastructure without substantial evaluation of quality of teaching, training or imparting of skills, and a failure to put in place robust quality assurance mechanisms for practicing doctors. There has been a failure to create transparent systems of medical college inspection and granting of recognition or de-recognition. The MCI has failed to oversee and guide the Continuing Medical Education in the country, leaving this important task to the hands of the commercial private industry. There is a failure to instil respect for a professional code of ethics in the medical professionals and take disciplinary action against doctors found violating the code of Ethics.

One needs to look no further than the pitiable state of affairs of health care in Karnataka to comprehend the level of damage that health care providers and policy makers have inflicted. The pro-privatisation bias of policy makers and the wilful denial of care and negligence displayed by private and public service providers will only pave the way for further deterioration of the health situation. While government policy makers pat their own backs after generating fraudulent reports of their own performance, the private players are even more evolved in that they generate no reports and are accountable to nobody. The Medical Council of India, the Karnataka Medical Council and all regulatory bodies are dysfunctional and deliberately dis-involved.


Where are the professional dalits in the media?


Dinesh Aminmattu

[This is the text of the speech 'Inclusivity of professional dalits in the media''(ಪತ್ರಿಕೋದ್ಯಮದಲ್ಲಿ ವೃತ್ತಿಪರ ದಲಿತರ ಒಳ್ಳಗೊಳ್ಳುವಿಕೆ') delivered in Kannada by Dinesh Aminmattu at an event, organised by the Karnataka SC/ST editors association to celebrate 125th birth anniversary of Babasaheb Ambedkar, on 18th July 2016]

dineshIf I am asked who my role model is in the media, my answer is Babasaheb Ambedkar.

I have said this on many occasions and will say it again today. Babasaheb Ambedkar is described as the architect of the constitution, dalit leader and a lot more. However, we have forgotten that along with all of this he was also a journalist. In 1920 he started the newspaper, Mooknayak. Ganesh Kadam has translated a book from English to Kannada which contains the Mooknayak editorials that was released in Dharwad. In the Mooknayak editorial there is a slogan that says: 'Why should I have any inhibition. I will speak without hesitation. No one can understand the feelings of a person who doesn't speak. If you hesitate to speak progress is not possible'. In 1873 Jotiba Phule launched Satyshodhak Samaj and following that in 1877, 'Deen Bandhu'. I recall this, as it was the beginning of the history of dalit journalism. Later Shivaram Janaab Kamble started the newspaper, 'Somavamsha Kshatriya'.

When Dr Ambedkar returned in 1916, after studying in Columbia University and London School of Economics, he started the Mooknayak newspaper. Newspapers started by Dr Ambedkar have names reflecting different stages of the dalit movement. The first one was Mooknayak, the second, Bahishkrut Bharat and the third one, Janta, which later became Prabuddha Bharat. As a journalist Dr Ambedkar has written thousands of pages and was probably a very good competitor to Mahatma Gandhi. Mahatma Gandhi was also a journalist. You are aware that he edited Harijan and Young India papers but there has not been a discussion on newspapers started by Babasaheb Ambedkar like that of Harijan or Young India. To my knowledge, anthologies of editorials of Mooknayak have been published in Hindi and Marathi but not much in Kannada. I did not see any mention of these newspapers in the recently published 25 volumes by the Government. If we read the editorials of Mooknayak we get to view the political, social and historical climate of that time.


India in transition


Hariram A

hariram a 1Stagnation is the sign of death and dynamism is the sign of life, change is permanent and it is the law of nature. India for centuries was under stagnation and stinking with the presence of the corpse of caste and gender discrimination. Man is evil and selfish, but nature is not. The revolt against the stagnation begun by Buddha and was followed by Phule, Shahu, Ambedkar and Kanshiram. There was always conflict and friction between stagnation and dynamism throughout the history in the name of Dharma and Adharma, where dharma meant following the principles laid down in Manusmriti by Sumati Bhargava and Adharma meant negation of Manusmriti. Later, in modern India, it was Swarajya V/s Prajarajya , where Swarajya propagated by Tilak-Gandhi-Nehru was about transfer of political power from the clutches of British to the Brahminical leadership, whereas Prajarajya propagated by Phule-Shahu-Ambedkar was about transferring power into the hands of the people.

Both the Swarajists and Prajarajists were equally successful as Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar, the proponent of Prajarajya, was 50% successful by drafting the Constitution of India with the principles of Secularism, Justice, Equality, Liberty and Fraternity, and he was 50% failure as he could not go the legislature with his people where it is supposed to be implemented. The Swarajists led by Gandhi was also 50% successful as they could dominate the legislature with the people of Manuvadi mindset in independent India through the Congress party, but they were also 50% failure as they could not prevent Babasaheb from drafting the Constitution and they also failed in re-establishing the Manusmriti as a law of independent India.

Post-independence India had to face a very complex situation as it was pushed into contradictions, that is, where the Pro-people and Pro-development constitution came into force but the power of implementing this constitution went into the hands of people who were anti-people, anti-development and anti-change. People at the helm of affairs wanted to fail the constitution and wanted to place Manusmriti as a de facto constitution. Though, democracy was established by the constitution, the emergence of the chamcha age after the Poona Pact in 1932 led to the emergence of chamchas, or stooges, who became tools in the hands of Manuvadi political parties against their own community and India. With this, the status-quoists wearing the veil of secularism, socialism, gandhism and communism started gaining the momentum and the movement of social transformation was put to the back seat as there was a vacuum in leadership after the death of Baba Saheb Ambedkar in 1956.


Labelling the Dalit movement as identity politics is a major contradiction


Jay Prakash Faqir

jay prakash faqir 1Historian Aditya Mukherjee in one of his essays has accused western historians like Eric Hobsbawm of being Eurocentric. He finds Hobsbawm's characterization of the 20th century as an Age of Extremes to be an ill-informed opinion as far as Asia and the Asian perspective are concerned. And no doubt, his opinion holds ground. The problem however arises when he fails to similarly note the Brahmin-Savarna centrism of the history written by upper caste writers like him. He, along with his teacher Bipan Chandra, dismisses the Dalit movement as mere Identity Politics.

These historians/intellectuals reject any claim to the idea of nationhood that is different from their savarna imagination of the Indian Nation. The projection of their interests as the Indian Nation is no different from that of the RSS. The only difference is that these savarna 'progressive' historians seem to have the cunning to decorate their arguments in superficial language and show off some fake intellectualism. They rattle arguments of justice and equality against the British torture and oppression, yet when it comes to the concerns of women, Dalit Bahujan, Pasmanda Muslims, they hypocritically espouse those very same colonial imperialist ideas. For instance, while they strongly oppose how the British justified their rule on Indians on the basis of merit and racial superiority, they in turn employ the same colonialist and racist arguments to oppose the Mandal Commission and reservations using notions of 'merit' etc.

People like Andre Beteille and Bipan Chandra are the main proponents of such illogical arguments. To prevent the Dalit Bahujan from accessing rights based on equality and justice, they thrust their argument of Nationhood, which means that whatever takes place in the name of India and Bharat should be a privilege for the entire nation. Whereas, it has seen time and again that the Dalit Bahujan do not enjoy most rights that the savarnas do under this nationhood. The issue of justice and equality becomes a big political question when linked to preserve the savarna idea of India but the same issue in the context of Dalit Bahujan is deemed to be merely 'social' and hence 'less important'. Therefore, it must be pushed aside for political expediency or be relegated as secondary.And in this way, a barrage of anti-Dalit logic is deployed to dismiss the struggle of the Dalit Bahujan against oppression – a political movement – as mere Identity Politics.


ಪತ್ರಿಕೋದ್ಯಮದಲ್ಲಿ ವೃತ್ತಿಪರ ದಲಿತರು ಎಲ್ಲಿ?


ದಿನೇಶ್ ಅಮಿನ್ ಮಟ್ಟು (Dinesh Aminmattu)


ನನಗೆ ಮಾಧ್ಯಮ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ ಯಾರು ರೋಲ್ ಮಾಡೆಲ್ ಅಂತ ಕೇಳಿದರೆ ಅದು ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್. ಇದನ್ನು ಬಹಳ ಸಂದರ್ಭಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಹೇಳಿದ್ದೇನೆ ಮತ್ತೇ ಅದನ್ನೆ ಹೇಳುತ್ತೇನೆ. ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರು ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ಶಿಲ್ಪಿ, ದಲಿತರ ನಾಯಕ, ಏನೆಲ್ಲಾ ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಅದರ ಜೊತೆ ಅವರೊಬ್ಬ ಪತ್ರಕರ್ತರೂ ಆಗಿದ್ದರು ಎಂಬುದನ್ನು ನಾವು ಮರೆತಿದ್ದೇವೆ. ೧೯೨೦ ರಲ್ಲಿ ಮೂಕ ನಾಯಕ ಪತ್ರಿಕೆಯನ್ನು ಅವರು ಪ್ರಾರಂಭ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಅದರ ಎಡಿಟೋರಿಯಲ್ ಗಳ ಒಂದು ಪುಸ್ತಕ ಬಂದಿದೆ. ಅದನ್ನು ನಾನೇ ಧಾರವಾಡದಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಡುಗಡೆ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದೆ. ಗಣೇಶ ಕದಂ ಅವರು ಈ ಪುಸ್ತಕವನ್ನು ಇಂಗ್ಲೀಷ್ ನಿಂದ ಕನ್ನಡಕ್ಕೆ ಅನುವಾದಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಮೂಕನಾಯಕ ಪತ್ರಿಕೆಯ ಎಡಿಟೋರಿಯಲ್ ನ ಘೋಷವಾಕ್ಯ ಹೀಗಿದೆ: "ಹೀಗೇಕೆ ನಾನು ಸಂಕೋಚ ಪಡಬೇಕು. ಯಾವುದೇ ಹಿಂಜರಿಕೆಯಿಲ್ಲದೆ ನಾನು ಮಾತನಾಡುವೆ. ಮೂಕರ ನೋವುಗಳನ್ನು ಯಾರೂ ಅರಿಯರು, ಮಾತನಾಡಲು ಸಂಕೋಚ ಪಟ್ಟುಕೊಂಡರೆ ಏಳಿಗೆ ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ". ೧೮೭೩ ರಲ್ಲಿ ಜ್ಯೋತಿ ಬಾಪುಲೆ ಅವರು ಸತ್ಯಶೋಧಕ ಸಮಾಜವನ್ನು ಸ್ಥಾಪನೆ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಅದರ ನಂತರ ೧೮೭೭ ರಲ್ಲಿ ಅವರು 'ದೀನಬಂಧು' ಪತ್ರಿಕೆ ಯನ್ನು ಪ್ರಾರಂಭ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ದಲಿತ ಪತ್ರಿಕೋದ್ಯಮದ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಅಲ್ಲಿಂದ ಇದು ಪ್ರಾರಂಭವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ ಎಂಬ ಕಾರಣಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಇದನ್ನು ನೆನೆಪಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತೇನೆ. ಅದರ ನಂತರ ಶಿವರಾಂ ಜನಾಬ್ ಕಾಂಬ್ಳೆ 'ಸೋಮವಂಶಕ್ಷತ್ರೀಯ' ಪತ್ರಿಕೆಯನ್ನು ಪ್ರಾರಂಭ ಮಾಡ್ತಾರೆ.


Kabali - A film to celebrate


Suresh Ravichandran

suresh ravichandranThis is not a review of the film Kabali. I do not like to review any films, primary reason being that I am not qualified enough to do so. Rather, this shall be my perspective on the film. Or to be precise, this is a post of celebration.

So, after the release of Kabali, I saw the review videos of some so-called reviewers on YouTube, read quite a few articles, saw many people sharing memes, and commenting negative reviews. I was so disappointed and felt down. But, I was careful enough to not form any opinions based on those people. I could see their casteism and hatred for Ranjith easily. So, I waited to see the film for myself and then form an opinion.

I began to brood over everything on how it all started from 'Madras' to 'Kabali'. The moment Rajini declared that he was teaming up with Ranjith for his next film, many casteists started to flip out. Then after some time the posters came. Rajini was breaking the chains in one, he was emerging out of a hole in another, and he was sitting on a sofa with his legs crossed, wearing coat and suit in another. All were symbolisms of a dalit man trying to end his oppression, come out of the pit that he was unwillingly thrust into, and emerge as a successful man in the society. Then came the teaser. One was easily able to understand why the film was named Kabali. Many dalits would be named Kabali. Kabali, in films, has been used for a lower class, lower caste dalit goon or some comedy character. But, in this film, Ranjith broke that stereotype when Rajini asserts in the teaser that he is no longer that kind of a goon who would bend his back like a slave and obey the orders. Kabali strikes back. Then the songs came. Songs were revolutionary in themselves. It clearly indicated what has been referred to.

"Neruppu da, nerungu da paapom, nerunguna poskkura kootam - I am a fire, if you dare, try approaching me, if you try to approach our group will destroy you". "Metukudiyin Koopadu ini naatukula kekkadhu - The rants of the elite shall not be heard hereafter". "Ulagam Oru vanukka Uzhaipavan yaar? Vidai Tharuvaan Kabali thaan Kalagam seidhu aandayarin kathai mudippaan" - Is the world for one man? Who is the labourer? Kabali will give the answer. He will do a revolt and end the tyranny of the ruling class". "Parayisai adithittu paatu kattu" - Lets play the parai drum and sing songs.


In defense of Mayawati


Swapnil Dhanraj

swapnil dhanrajThe Bahujan Samaj Party chief, Mayawati, is not an ordinary woman. She has successfully shouldered her responsibilities of representing the Bahujan Samaj throughout her political career in various ways. The charismatic personality which the BSP chief carries today is not a result of any "media publicity" or false propaganda of serving the nation. It is a result of her sacrifices and commitment towards the cause of the emancipation of Dalits and minorities from the oppressive Hindutva ideology.

Today, when the so-called progressive Dalit leaders like Athawale, Paswan and Udit Raj, have chosen to shelter the RSS and BJP by defeating their own people, there is not a single person except Mayawati, who can fearlessly represent Dalits and marginalized in parliament. Moreover, the BSP chief was the first person to demand justice for Rohith Vemula in the parliament when other Dalit leaders (loyal to the Congress and BJP) remained reticent by obeying their political masters. After Kanshiram, Mayawati is the only person who could revive the BSP by representing the "new phase" of Dalit Bahujan politics in the country. It is shameful that the patriarchal Hindus with their sick mentality leave no stone unturned to insult and defame Mayawati today.

Demeaning her appearance

Despite the fact that she has been one of the first Dalit Chief Ministers in the country, the caste Hindus still chose to ignore her with their filthy remarks on her appearance. The comment by the BJP spokesperson, Shaina NC, on Mayawati's appearance - on whether Mayawati is 'he or she' - shows her submissiveness to the typical and patriarchal image of a woman with "Sari and Bindi". Shania NC is either ignorant or politically immature because doesn't even recognize a lady who had been four times chief minister of Uttar Pradesh - in 1995, 1997, then from 2002 to 2003 and from 2007 to 2012. Moreover, in 2008, Forbes, the American business magazine, added Mayawati in the 59th place in its list of the 100 powerful women in the world. If Shaina NC is a confused soul, what is wrong with the BJP leadership? It's really shameful to see the criminal silence maintained by the mainstream BJP leadership on the insulting remarks by its party members.


A Library in a Controversy: Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru University


Ritesh Tomer

ritesh tomerThe debate on libraries: An introduction

For long, the Indian university system has been surrounded by controversies related to administrative and infrastructural issues. There is a long history of upsets, revolving around the implementation of the reservation policy, the student admission process, hostel non-availability, and staff scarcity. However, the recent uproars around libraries are unique for the Indian university system. It is quite recently that students started rallying for keeping libraries of national universities open round-the-clock, and began challenging the diurnal nature of the libraries' functioning. The latest demand for increasing the working hours of the central libraries, for instance, has come from two of the leading universities of the nation - namely Banaras Hindu University and Jawaharlal Nehru University.

However, these controversies in the universities of the country are not merely due to the students' demand for the extension of working hours, but also because of the names with which these libraries go by. This issue gained mass attention after the Jawaharlal Nehru University's administration declared that they were going to name the Varsity's central library after Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar (Indian Express 2016). As soon as the official declaration of the administration entered the public domain, disparate political opinions of student associations - driven by different ideologies in the University - began flaring up.

Some student associations are arguing that the renaming signifies an ideological and political intervention by the State in university affairs. They are interpreting the move as part of the politics of symbolism, with which the central government is glorifying historical figures that accord with its own ideological rhetoric, by naming educational institutes after them. These groups of students are vigorously contesting that since the Jawaharlal Nehru University's structures have so far remained free from name related politics, a renaming of this kind would be detrimental to this legacy of the university in the future. The structures in the University have received apolitical naming so far; the hostels, for instance, have all been named after the rivers of the country to ensure a secular and politically neutral image of the University. The student associations further argue that name alteration would not make any difference unless adequate funds are raised for the purpose of the development of the institution in question.


The Death of Merit – Dr. V. Ajay Sree Chandra

Gurinder Azad

On 27th August 2007,  V. Ajay Sree Chandra hanged himself in one of the hostel rooms of the famed IISc, hostel room number F002 to be precise, leaving his father and two younger brothers behind. Yet another prey to the brahmanical devil which lurks around to kill anyone it finds. It doesn't discriminate on the basis of gender or class, all that matters is the caste identity. That is what mostly decides who should be the prey.

 This documentary film is on Dr. Ajay Sree Chandra, an exceptionally studious scholar with an outstanding performance record. Born on 27 August 1985, Ajay took this extreme decision of taking his life as a last act of protest and hanged himself with a ceiling fan in his hostel room.

In the documentary, Ajay's father V. Raveendra Kumar introduces Ajay to all of us. He also makes us aware about several facts that led to Ajay's suicide, thus throwing light on the brutal system and the people who run the system.

Ajay's father's testimony was recorded in June 2012, almost after five years of his death. This documentary is the fourth in a row under the title 'The Death of Merit'. Three documentaries prior to this gave us various insights into how people perceived these documentaries. We experienced that our people, especially the youth, have taken it as a tool to fight against brahmanism.


Harassed for Standing with Kashmir: Interview with Rupesh Kumar & Afthab Ellath


Round Table India

Recently, on 18th July, sixteen individuals who gathered in Kannur, Kerala, to discuss the ongoing situation in Kashmir and to express solidarity with the Kashmiris were arrested by the police. In this interview, Round Table India talks with two of the arrested: documentary film-maker Rupesh Kumar, and social media activist Afthab Ellath

Q1: Can you tell us about the incidents that led to the arrest? What was the program in Kannur about?

Rupesh Kumar: The program was to render solidarity towards the people in Kashmir tortured by the Indian Army. It was organized by a Facebook group called 'standwithkashmir'. One of my friends called me over phone and asked whether I could attend the program. I agreed and asked them to write a request letter to the police to avoid complications later. And the group admin Mr. Jeevan wrote a request letter and took permission from the Kannur town police station SI. We gathered in the town square on Sunday, 17th June 2016, sang some folk songs, recited poetry and talked against the human rights violations and killings of people in Kashmir. As the program progressed, some people interfered and shouted "you cannot conduct a program against Indian army in Kannur and it is because of Indian army you people are living safely in this country". They tried to physically interrupt the program. And we told them that, this is a democratic platform and we have talked what our view on human rights violations in Kashmir is, and if they also wanted to talk about their view, to go ahead. They declined, and made a chaos. Some of them called the police and two police men came and took us to police station and registered a preventive arrest at the police station.

kk 2

Afthab Ellath: The Kannur event was a legally organized cultural program to express our solidarity to the people of Kashmir who are going through the trauma of military violence, and also to oppose the use of lethal weapons like pellet guns not only against the teenagers who are demonstrating against the military occupation, but even against the little kids who are just caught up in between. There were many disturbing reports which showed that pellet guns were being used against young kids who were not in any kinds of protests. According to one report, a small girl who was watching the events from the second story of a building was shot at. These reports show that many of these youngsters were deliberately targeted to create permanent disability and to go through a devastated life, one that that is more miserable than dying in many ways. Many would lose their eyesight permanently due to the indiscriminate use of these weapons. So, resonating the worldwide condemnation of the military action in Kashmir, there was a peaceful event planned at Kannur town square with the required police permission.


The Earnestness of Kabali


Rajesh Rajamani

Rajesh Rajamani 3Kabali is a very good movie.

(Warning: Spoilers ahead!)

The movie effectively borrows several Rajinikant tropes and uses them meaningfully within the script. For example, Rajinikant's movies almost always begin with an opening song. Where he introduces himself to the audience. No one knows why this is done. It's quite a bizarre thing to sing, dance and introduce yourself without any particular reason. But here, the character Kabali is released from prison after 25 years. So there is celebration among the Malaysian Tamil people. And they sing about Kabali, their struggle and how they think he could make their life better.

Kabali isn't the kind of gangster film we often are familiar with. It certainly is not an action movie. It is a lot similar to the Korean or Hong Kong gangster movies which have a certain brooding quality about them. The character Kabali has risen from the level of a migrant, low class, low caste labourer to a powerful representative of the Tamil population in Malaysia. And he has lost it all. And the movie begins when he starts his search to regain all that he has lost.

So he is pensive, insecure and brooding. And Rajinikant does a brilliant job portraying this. For a very long time, Rajinikant has been mimicking his own younger self in his movies. But in Kabali, he makes an earnest effort to give his gimmicks a rest and play a character. There is this one extended sequence where Kabali imagines seeing his lost wife everywhere. Rajinikant was so brilliant doing that. What amazed me is how he pulled off a character that was both invincible and vulnerable at the same time.


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Recent Popular Articles

No Mr. Tharoor, I Don’t Want to Enter Your Kitchen
Saturday, 16 September 2017
Tejaswini Tabhane Shashi Tharoor is an author, politician and former international civil servant who is also a Member of Parliament representing the constituency of Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala. This... Read More...
Bahujans and Brahmins: Why their realities shall always collide, not converge
Wednesday, 16 August 2017
  Kuffir My grandfather,The starvation deathWhich occurred during the drought when men were sold;My father,The migrant lifeWhich left home in search of work to pay off debt;I, in ragged shirt... Read More...
Cow, ‘backwardness’ and ‘Bahujan’ Women
Monday, 10 July 2017
  Asha Singh  My Ahir-dominant village in Bhojpur district of Bihar has a school only up to standard seven. After the seventh grade, if somebody (or their family) decides to study further,... Read More...
The beautiful feeling of falling in love with a Bahujan Ambedkarite
Friday, 28 July 2017
  Priya This is not going to be a long write-up, the sole purpose of writing this is to share the beautiful revolutionary feeling that we derive when we have fallen in love or have driven... Read More...
Casteism in Kashmir: My Observations and Experiences
Thursday, 06 July 2017
  Mudasir Ali Lone We usually shrug our shoulders when it comes to casteism in Kashmir. If you're in a mood for horrible stories, go to the homes of Greest (peasants) and hear about the horror... Read More...