ಹಿಮಗೈಯಲ್ಲಿ ಹಿಡಿದ ಸುಡುಗೆಂಡ: ಎನ್ ಕೆ ಕಾವ್ಯ

 

ರಹಮತ್ ತರೀಕೆರೆ (Rahamat Tarikere)

ನಮ್ಮ ನಡುವಿನ ಪ್ರತಿಭಾವಂತ ಕವಿಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಒಬ್ಬರಾಗಿದ್ದ ಎನ್.ಕೆ. ಹನುಮಂತಯ್ಯ (1974-2010), ಸಾಯಬಾರದ ವಯಸ್ಸಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಸತ್ತು ಆರು ವರ್ಷಗಳಾದವು. ಈಗಲೂ ಅವರ ನೆನಪು ಹಸಿಯಾಗಿಯೇ ಕಾಡುತ್ತಿದೆ. 'ಸಂಬಂಧ'ಗಳನ್ನು ಸಂಭಾಳಿಸಲಾಗದೆ ನೈತಿಕ ಬಿಕ್ಕಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಸಿಲುಕಿ, ಗೆಳೆಯರಿಗೆ ಸಿಗದೆ ಓಡಾಡುತ್ತಿರುವಾಗಲೂ, ಫೋನಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಯಾವುದೇ ಮಾತಿಲ್ಲದೆ ಅಳುತ್ತಿರುವಾಗಲೂ, ಈ ಬಿಕ್ಕಟ್ಟಿನಿಂದ ಅವರು ಪಾರಾಗಿ ಬರುವರೆಂದೇ ಭಾವಿಸಿದ್ದೆವು. ಆದರೆ ಅವರ ಸಾವಿನ ಕೆಟ್ಟಸುದ್ದಿ ಒಂದು ದಿನ ಬಂದು ಬಡಿಯಿತು. ನೋವಿನ ಜತೆ ಆಕ್ರೋಶವೂ ಬಂದಿತು. ಕನ್ನಡಕ್ಕೆ ಶ್ರೇಷ್ಠ ಕಾವ್ಯ ರಚಿಸಿ ಕೊಡಬಲ್ಲ ಪ್ರತಿಭಾವಂತ ಕವಿಯೊಬ್ಬ ಕಳೆದುಹೋದನೆೆಂದಲ್ಲ; ಸೂಕ್ಷ್ಮವೂ ಮಾನವೀಯವೂ ಆದ ಬರೆಹದಿಂದ ನನ್ನಂತಹವರ ತಿಳಿವನ್ನು ಹಿಗ್ಗಿಸಬಲ್ಲ, ಮರುಚಿಂತನೆಗೆ ಹಚ್ಚಬಲ್ಲ, ನಾವೆಲ್ಲ ಕಟ್ಟಬೇಕೆಂದು ಬಯಸುತ್ತಿರುವ  ಕನಸಿನ ಸಮಾಜದ ಸಸಿಗೆ ನೀರೆರೆಯಬಲ್ಲ ಒಂದು ಅಪುರ್ವ ಜೀವ, ತನ್ನ ದುಡುಕಿನಿಂದ ಇಲ್ಲವಾಯಿತಲ್ಲ ಎಂದು. ಈಗ ಅವರ ಕಾವ್ಯವು ಒಟ್ಟಾಗಿ ಪ್ರಕಟವಾಗುತ್ತಿರುವ ಈ ಸನ್ನಿವೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೆಲವು ಮಾತುಗಳನ್ನು ಬರೆಯುತ್ತಿರುವಾಗಲೂ ದುಗುಡದ ಪಸೆ ಆರಿಲ್ಲ.

ಸದಾ ತೀವ್ರವಾದ ತಳಮಳದಲ್ಲಿ ಅದ್ದಿರುವಂತಿದ್ದ ಎನ್ಕೆ, ಒಮ್ಮೆ ಕನ್ನಡ ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾಲಯದಲ್ಲಿ ದಲಿತ ಚಳುವಳಿಯ ಮೇಲೆ ಒಂದು ಉಪನ್ಯಾಸ ಮಾಡಿದ ಪ್ರಸಂಗ ನೆನಪಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ದಲಿತ ಚಳುವಳಿಯ ವರ್ತಮಾನದ ದುರವಸ್ಥೆಯನ್ನು ಅವರು ಅಂದು ನವಿಲಿನ ರೂಪಕದಲ್ಲಿ ವಿವರಿಸಿದರು. ದಲಿತ ಚಳುವಳಿ, ಒಂದು ಕಾಲಕ್ಕೆ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ಯಾವುದೇ ಮೂಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ದಲಿತರ ಮೇಲೆ ಹಲ್ಲೆಯಾದರೂ, ಅಲ್ಲಿಗೆ ಹೋಗಿ ಕ್ರಾಂತಿಯ ಮೊಟ್ಟೆಗಳನ್ನಿಟ್ಟು ಬರುವ ನವಿಲಿನ ಕೆಲಸವನ್ನು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿತ್ತು; ನಂತರ ಆ ಮೊಟ್ಟೆಗಳು ಒಡೆದು ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಹೊಸನವಿಲುಗಳು ಹುಟ್ಟುತ್ತಿದ್ದವು; ಕ್ರಾಂತಿಯನ್ನು ಮುಂದುವರೆಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದವು. ಈಗ ಆ ನವಿಲುಗಳೆಲ್ಲ ಬಿಕರಿಯಾಗಿ, ಕಸಾಯಿಖಾನೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪುಕ್ಕ ತರಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಮಾಂಸವಾಗಿ ಮಾರಾಟಗೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಿವೆ ಎಂಬುದು ಆ ರೂಪಕದ ಆಶಯವಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಈ ರೂಪಕದ ಮೂಲಕ ವರ್ತಮಾನವನ್ನು ವಿವರಿಸುವಾಗ ಒಂದು ಕ್ಷಣ ಭಾವುಕರಾಗಿ ಅವರ ಗಂಟಲು ಬಿಗಿದು ಮಾತು ನಿಂತಿತು. ಈ ಪ್ರಸಂಗವು ಎನ್ಕೆ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿತ್ವದ ಸ್ವರೂಪವನ್ನು ಮಾತ್ರವಲ್ಲ, ಅವರ ಒಟ್ಟೂ ಬರೆಹದ ಲಕ್ಷಣವನ್ನೂ ಹೇಳುವಂತಿದೆ. ಈ ಅತಿಭಾವುಕತೆಯೇ ಅವರ ಬದುಕನ್ನೂ ಬಲಿಪಡೆಯಿತು.

nk hanumataya

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Notes From An Anonymous Muslim

 

Anonymous

Disclaimer: Since one cannot pen a word about terrorism without being accused of being a sympathizer, especially if your name rings Muslim, I would like to clarify that I do not endorse any sort of violence anywhere.

~

With the terror attack outside the Prophet's mosque in Medina on July 5, what we term 'Muslim' terrorism seems to be on a new juncture. Maybe like a crazy crusade that will fire a shot at the Christ as well.

Most mornings I wake up to Facebook posts of well-meaning people asking Muslims to condemn the 'Muslim' terrorists who are detonating themselves at some part of the world or the other. Then there are those who analyze the 'essence' of Muslim violence where Quran becomes the brown equivalent of the Ku Klux Klan Bible.

naming 1

A friend once rightly said, "Violence is a result of simplifications". He was talking in the context of the imaginative ways in which sections of 'Muslim' population in Assam who are viewed as immigrants are killed off in diverse cycles of violence. Approaching complex lived realities through a simple lens of 'us' and 'them 'or 'good' and 'evil' can hardly ever lead us anywhere. No one is inherently evil or non-violent. Each of us is capable of joining a riot to clean the nation of unwanted outsiders, is capable of abusing our partners, and making mental cages for our children.

Terrorism cannot be looked at as THE unimaginable violence. As opposed to the very imaginable violence of state actors including USA, NATO or every other little or big kingdom with a nice army and a license to kill. When there are "legitimate" bombings, hangings, firings etc., it makes the ground for illegitimate killings to take place. As many researchers have pointed out, the very existence of States rests on the premise that only they have the right to violence; unless of course you are peacefully beating your wife without much sound effects inside your home.

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Where is our Home?


N A M Ismail

IsmailIt was my belief that similar to tigers, leopards, cats, dogs and wolves the majority of human beings were meat eaters. This had given me an extraordinary confidence that I could eat anything, that flies, except aeroplanes; that has four legs, except chairs and stools; that has two legs except humans; living in the water, except turtles; that slithers or creeps, except snakes and lizards. I had the arrogance to think that 'I belonged to the majority'.

I always believed that unity in glorious India that stretches from Kashmir to Kanyakumari and from Gujarat to Nagaland lies in the food we eat whether it be the meat of sheep, chicken, fish or rabbit and if one was a vegetarian it was in the biryani prepared using spinach, nuts, roots and spices. I realised how wrong I was when I started searching for a house to rent.

'We only rent houses to vegetarians'

'We only have vegetarians in our apartment, sir'

'We don't like the smell of meat. Please don't mind'

From the north to south and east to west of Bangalore when every owner started saying the same words I recalled the words of my friends from different castes - 'The smell of Ramzan's biryani is unbelievable, friend. Don't forget to invite us.' I also remembered the secret parties my brother used to organise for vegetarians every Ramzan.

However, it dawned on me that none of these would help me in securing a house. I lost the enthusiasm to continue the search on my own without the help of a broker.

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Will you let the subaltern speak?

 

Tejas Harad

tejas haradWhen Rahul Pandita, a Brahmin, writes about Naxalism, does his scholarship benefit the Adivasis for whom Naxalism is a lived reality or does it benefit Pandita himself? When Anand Patwardhan, a Brahmin, makes documentaries about Dalits, does his work benefit the Dalits or Patwardhan himself? When Arundhati Roy, a Syrian Christian, writes about dam-affected people, Adivasis, Kashmiris and now Dalits, does her prolific writing help the people she talks about or herself?

When Savarna journalists, writers and academics study, report, document, analyse and hold forth on topics concerning the marginalised it benefits them and their peers the most. Their audience are fellow Savarna upper class folk. The idea behind the benefits to the marginalised communities from these works is like the famous 'trickle-down theory'; we know how that goes.

Feminism in India (FII), a feminist publication, recently announced a new editorial policy. The FII policy states, "We formed a new editorial policy where men don't write on women's exp, upper-castes on Dalits, heterosexuals on LGBT, etc. No appropriation. This is an attempt to make our feminist politics as intersectional as possible & give voice to the most marginalized. FII is a place for all." FII made this announcement on Twitter and as the nature of the platform goes, it spiraled into a controversy. FII received criticism from many sections, including journalists and academics, and was also trolled widely. Later FII came out with a statement to clarify its position and answer the criticism levelled against it. (You can read the statement in full here.)

But this question of representation, and which voices get heard and which remain on the margins, is not new. Black feminists have in the past criticised white feminists for treating "woman" as a monolithic identity and speaking on black women's behalf (and also importantly, erasing race from the conversation). Dalit feminists have mounted similar criticism against feminist movement in India for its Savarna character.

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ಬುದ್ಧನ ನಂತರದವನೇ ಶ್ರೀಕೃಷ್ಣ

 

ರಘೋತ್ತಮ ಹೊಬ (Raghottama Hoba)

raghottama-hobaಕೆಲದಿನಗಳ ಹಿಂದೆ"ಬುದ್ಧಿಸಂನ ಸಾಕಷ್ಟು ಅಂಶಗಳು ಭಗವದ್ಗೀತೆಯಲ್ಲಿವೆ"ಎಂಬ ದೇವನೂರ ಮಹಾದೇವರ ಈ ಹೇಳಿಕೆಯ ಹಿನ್ನೆಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮೂಡಿಬಂದ ಪ್ರತಿಕ್ರಿಯೆಯಲ್ಲಿ'ಬುದ್ಧನ ನಂತರ ಕೃಷ್ಣ?' ಎಂದು ಪತ್ರಿಕೆಯೊಂದರಲ್ಲಿ (ಪ್ರಜಾವಾಣಿ) ಓದುಗರೊಬ್ಬರು ಕೃಷ್ಣನ ಕಾಲಾನಂತರ ಬುದ್ಧ ಜನಿಸಿದ್ದು ಎಂದು ಅಭಿಪ್ರಾಯ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಪಡಿಸಿದ್ದರು. ಆದರೆ ವಾಸ್ತವ? ಈ ಹಿನ್ನೆಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ದೇವನೂರರ ಈ ಹೇಳಿಕೆಗೆ ಪೂರಕ ಅಂಶಗಳು ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರರ ಬರಹದಲ್ಲಿ ದೊರಕುತ್ತವೆ. ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರರು ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ "ಮಹಾಭಾರತದ ಮೂಲ ಸಂಪಾದಿತ ಕೃತಿಯು 'ಜಯ' ಎಂಬುದು ಮತ್ತು ಅದನ್ನು ಸಂಯೋಜಿಸಿದವರು ವ್ಯಾಸ. ಅದರ ಎರಡನೇ ಆವೃತ್ತಿಯ ಸಂಪಾದಕ ವೈಶಂಪಾಯನ ಮತ್ತು ಆಗ ಅದರ ಹೆಸರು 'ಭಾರತ' ಎಂದು ಬದಲಾಯಿತು. ಇನ್ನು ಅದರ ಮೂರನೇ ಆವೃತ್ತಿಯ ಸಂಪಾದಕ ಸೌತಿ ಮತ್ತು ಸೌತಿಯ ಈ ಆವೃತ್ತಿಯ ನಂತರ ಅದು 'ಮಹಾಭಾರತ'ವಾಯಿತು'. ಇನ್ನು ಅದರ ಕಾಲದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಹೇಳುವುದಾದರೆ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರರು ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ 'ನಿಜ, ಕೌರವರು ಮತ್ತು ಪಾಂಡವರ ನಡುವಿನ ಯುದ್ಧ ಬಹಳ ಪ್ರಾಚೀನವಾದುದು ಅದರಲ್ಲಿ ಯಾವುದೇ ಅನುಮಾನವಿಲ್ಲ. ಆದರೆ ಆ ಯುದ್ಧ ಹಳೆಯದು ಎಂದಾಕ್ಷಣ ವ್ಯಾಸರ ಈ ರಚನೆಯು(ಜಯ) ಕೌರವ-ಪಾಂಡವರ ಆ ಯುದ್ಧದಷ್ಟೆ ಹಳೆಯದು ಅಥವಾ ಆ ಘಟನೆಯ ಸಮಕಾಲೀನದ್ದು ಎಂದರ್ಥವಲ್ಲ. ಈ ಹಿನ್ನೆಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರೊ.ಹಾಪ್ಕಿನ್ಸ್ರವರು ಹೇಳುವುದೇನೆಂದರೆ 'ಇಡೀ ಮಹಾಭಾರತದ ಕಾಲ ಸಾಮಾನ್ಯವಾಗಿ ಹೇಳುವುದಾದರೆ, ಕ್ರಿ.ಶ.200 ರಿಂದ ಕ್ರಿ.ಶ400ರ ನಡುವಿನದ್ದು' ಎಂಬುದು.

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In Daaravtha, caste doesn’t just stay in the background

 

It has been raining awards and honours for young filmmaker Nishant Roy Bombarde's debut film 'Daaravtha': the 'Best Debut Film of a Director' at the 63rd National Film Awards, 'Audience Choice Award' at the Indian Film Festival of Los Angeles (IFFLA), 'Best Short' film at the New York Indian Film Festival, 'Best Narrative Short' at 7th KASHISH - Mumbai International Queer Film Festival, Offcial Selection at Wicked Queen Boston LGBT Film Festival, Official Selection at Palm Springs Short Film Festival, Official Selection at Melbourne Indian Film Festival etc etc.

Daaravtha-Director-Producer-Nishant Roy Bombarde2

Round Table India interviewed Nishant Roy Bombarde about filmmaking and his film Daaravtha.  

daaravtha awards 1

Hello Nishant! Congratulations on your debut short film, Daaravtha; it is well on its way to becoming a celebrated film of our times! Please give our readers a walk-through of your journey into filmmaking, what were your inspirations?

I was born in a film crazy family, at least from the father's side. There was a tradition in Maharashtra in the early days wherein women would sing traditional songs while doing daily chores. My father's aunts, he tells me, would sing Hindi film songs instead. However filmy it may sound, my dad used to steal chickens from his own house and sell them to go to the nearest theatre in Gondia from his village, to watch a film. He is a very good singer. His uncle had run away from his home to act in tamasha, one of the oldest Bahujan art forms in India. So the seedling was always there. Though my parents, like any middle class Marathi home, tried their level best to dissuade me from forming strong connections with arts and make me an IAS officer. I had become a big film buff in my early years, I was, am a big Sridevi fan.

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Tolerance

 

Devanuru Mahadeva

The 'touch me not' words of today are 'tolerance' and 'intolerance'. By connecting purity with untouchability, India became a land of the half living and the half dead. So it may be safer to speak less. I too am trying to understand. Without understanding the existing intolerant behaviour, tolerance also can't be understood. For example: on 8th June 2016, Prajavani reported that Dalit students at Mysore University burnt an effigy of Ram Bahadur Rai in protest. In an interview to Outlook, Ram Bahadur Rai, a journalist with RSS roots, had said that Dr Ambedkar didn't write the constitution but just edited and translated it and this had resulted in the dalit students' protest.

devanuru mahadeva LokeshMosaleCreditDM2

In this example, what is tolerance and what is intolerance? Isn't it an intolerance to believe that the laws of Manu Smriti are the real constitution which causes uneasy feelings when you remember that Dr Ambedkar created the constitution? Or is it intolerance to protest in rage against Ram Bahadur Rai's statement which refutes the existence of Dr Ambedkar? I feel RSS Ram Bahadur's statement is intolerance and the Dalit students' reaction is anger.

To further clarify, it is suffice to read S N Balagangadhar's 'Which intolerance is growing in India'. In his own words, the examples he provides are:

"First, a mentally unstable person, called Venkat, also known as crazy Venkat, was dismissive of Ambedkar in a popular television programme. He called Ambedkar his slippers, but no newspaper dared repeat what he said, except to mention that he made derogatory and abusive remarks about Ambedkar. It is completely unclear why derogatory and abusive remarks cannot be made about an individual. Characteristic of Indian colloquial speech is abusiveness towards everyone, including the Indian gods. Is Ambedkar also superior to the Indian gods? The Ambedkarites in Bangalore surrounded Venkat in the car for this remark, mauled and manhandled him and threw black tar on his face for this reason.''

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No Ram, Jai Bhim!

 

Harohalli Ravindra

horahalli ravindraThe usage of the phrase 'Loafer Ram' has become a hotly discussed topic today. The person who used this phrase, a senior professor in the Department of Journalism in Mysore University, Prof. Mahesh Chandra Guru, was issued a body warrant and detained in Mysore Central Jail for one week from 17-06-2016. And then on 24-06-2016, he was granted bail and released. So, what is this case? Who is this Loafer Ram? Is this phrase an exaggerated reference? What has been said should be verified.

On January 3, 2015, the academic staff in Mysore University organized a lecture programme on Human Rights and the Media. Shri Mahesh Chandra Guru had gone to the same programme as a resource person. In the process of giving a lecture, he said that it is Rama who has committed a violation of human rights on this land, so he is a loafer. The leader of a Kannada organization Karunada Sene, Ravishankar, filed a case in Mysore's Jayalakshmipuram with regards to this. In February 2015, the head of the Dalit Welfare Trust, Shantharaju, organized a seminar in reference to the Bhagavad Gita. For that programme, Prof. Aravind Malagatti, Prof. K. S. Bhagwan and Prof. Mahesh Chandra Guru and many others were invited guests. There, Prof. Bhagawan said that the shlokas in the Bhagavad Gita disparaging Shudras and women should be burned, while Prof. Aravind Malagatti called the Bhagavad Gita a diseased text. In the same event, Prof. Mahesh Chandra Guru stated that those photos of gods in your homes should also be thrown into the gutter. In that context too, a case was filed against Prof. Mahesh Chandra Guru in the same Jayalakshmipuram.

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Looking through His Majesty’s Glasses: The Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes in Odisha

 

Sangram Keshari Mallick

sangram mallick 1September 2015.

There is ample discussion these days on the achievements of Sri Naveen Patnaik in the first year of his fourth innings in power. While different writers have highlighted many other issues, this write up shall be restricted to discuss the condition of SCs and STs who constitute 39.98% population of the State. The attitude of the Government towards Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes during the 15 year regime of Naveen Patnaik raises too many questions that beg answers. Soon after he came to power (yet again), during the post super cyclone reconstruction period, there were allegations of discriminatory treatment meted out to the Scheduled Castes. In January 2002, the Government used its machinery to murder 15 Tribals to protect and promote TATAs in Kalinganagar. In fact, such discrimination during natural calamities has been a regular phenomenon in the State, which was clearly visible during the same regime in 2008 & 2011 floods and Phailin & Hudhud cyclone.

Further, the anti-people and pro-corporate/industry role of the government was sparklingly prominent at POSCO, Niyamagiri, Vedanta University, Ravishankar University, KIIT University etc. During this regime the country witnessed the fire-breathing RSS/VHP leaders carrying the dead body of Laxmanananda resulting in rape, murder and arson on the converted dalit Christians in Kandhamal while the administration remained a mute spectator. The State also experienced the SC and ST conflict at Narayanpatana due to the negligence of the Revenue department. The ministers of this government have not only tried to demoralize SC & ST officers with derogatory statements in public meetings, some of them even justified the practice of untouchability in temples under the garb of tradition, although it is unconstitutional and against the verdict of the High Court. During these 15 years, no SC/ST officer has been the head of the ST & SC Development Department; rather Brahmin officers ruled this department for nearly 14 years and the balance 1 year by another non-SC/ST officer. This shows that the lapses in planning and implementation of different programs for these communities were deliberate.

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ನೋ ರಾಮ್, ಜೈಭೀಮ್

 

ಹಾರೋಹಳ್ಳಿರವೀಂದ್ರ (Harohalli Ravindra)

 

horahalli ravindraಲೋಫರ್ ರಾಮ ಎಂಬ ಪದಬಳಕೆಯು ಇಂದು ಬಹಳ ಚಚರ್ಿತ ಪದ ಬಳಕೆಯಾಗಿದೆ. ಈ ಪದ ಬಳಕೆ ಮಾಡಿದ ಮೈಸೂರು ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾನಿಲಯದ ಪತ್ರಿಕೋದ್ಯಮ ವಿಭಾಗದ ಹಿರಿಯ ಪ್ರಾಧ್ಯಾಪಕರಾದ ಪ್ರೊ.ಮಹೇಶ್ ಚಂದ್ರಗುರು ಅವರ ಮೇಲೆ ಬಾಡಿ ವಾರೆಂಟ್ ಜಾರಿಯಾಗಿ 17-06-2016 ರಂದು ಮೈಸೂರಿನ ಸೆಂಟ್ರಲ್ ಜೈಲ್ ಒಂದು ವಾರ ಹಾಕಲಾಯಿತು. ತದನಂತರ ದಿನಾಂಕ 24-06-2016 ರಂದು ಜಾಮೀನು ಸಿಕ್ಕಿ ಹೊರಬಂದರು. ಹಾಗಾದರೆ ಏನಿದು ಪ್ರಕರಣ? ಯಾರು ಈ ಲೋಫರ್ ರಾಮ? ಈ ಪದಬಳಕೆ ಅತಿರೇಖದ ಉಲ್ಲೇಖವೆ? ಎಂಬುದನ್ನು ಪರಿಶೀಲಿಸಬೇಕಿದೆ.


ಜನವರಿ 3, 2015 ರಂದು ಮೈಸೂರು ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾನಿಲಯ ಅಕಾಡೆಮಿಕ್ ಸ್ಟ್ಯಾಫ್ ಮಾನವ ಹಕ್ಕು ಮತ್ತು ಮಾಧ್ಯಮ ಎಂಬ ಉಪನ್ಯಾಸ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮ ಏರ್ಪಡಿಸಿದ್ದರು. ಅದೇ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮಕ್ಕೆ ಶ್ರೀಯುತ ಮಹೇಶ್ ಚಂದ್ರಗುರು ಅವರು ಸಂಪನ್ಮೂಲ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿಯಾಗಿ ಅಲ್ಲಿಗೆ ಹೋಗಿದ್ದರು. ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಉಪನ್ಯಾಸ ನೀಡುವ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಮನೆ ಈ ನೆಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಮಾನವ ಹಕ್ಕು ಉಲ್ಲಂಘನೆ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದಾನೆ. ಹಾಗಾಗಿ ಆತ ಒಬ್ಬ ಲೋಫರ್ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಿದ್ದರು. ಇದಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದಂತೆ ಕರುನಾಡ ಸೇನೆ ಎಂಬ ಕನ್ನಡ ಸಂಘಟನೆಯ ನೇತೃತ್ವದಲ್ಲಿ ರವಿಶಂಕರ್ ಎಂಬುವವರು ಮೈಸೂರಿನ ಜಯಲಕ್ಷ್ಮಿಪುರಂನಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಕರಣ ದಾಖಲಿಸಿದ್ದರು. ಈ ಪ್ರಕರಣದ ನಂತರ ಇವರ ಮೇಲೆ ಮತ್ತೊಂದು ದೂರು ದಾಖಲಾಯಿತು. ಅದು ಯಾವುದೆಂದರೆ 2015 ಫೆಬ್ರವರಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ದಲಿತ್ ವೆಲ್ಫೇರ್ ಟ್ರಸ್ಡ್ನ ಮುಖ್ಯಸ್ಥರಾದ ಶಾಂತರಾಜು ಅವರು ಭಗವದ್ಗೀತೆಗೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದಂತೆ ವಿಚಾರ ಸಂಕಿರಣವನ್ನು ಏರ್ಪಡಿಸಿದ್ದರು. ಆ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮಕ್ಕೆ ಪ್ರೊ.ಅರವಿಂದ ಮಾಲಗತ್ತಿ, ಪ್ರೊ.ಕೆ.ಎಸ್.ಭಗವಾನ್ ಹಾಗೂ ಪ್ರೊ.ಮಹೇಶ್ ಚಂದ್ರಗುರು ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ ಹಲವರು ಅತಿಥಿಗಳಾಗಿದ್ದರು. ಆ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮದಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರೊ.ಭಗವಾನ್ ಅವರು ಭಗದವ್ಗೀತೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಶೂದ್ರರು ಮತ್ತು ಸ್ತ್ರೀಯರನ್ನು ನಿಂಧಿಸಿರುವ ಶ್ಲೋಕವನ್ನು ಸುಡಬೇಕು ಎಂದರೆ, ಪ್ರೊ.ಅರವಿಂದ ಮಾಲಗತ್ತಿ ಅವರು ಭಗವದ್ಗೀತೆಯೊಂದು ರೋಗಗ್ರಸ್ಥ ಗ್ರಂಥ ಎಂದು ಕರೆದಿದ್ದರು. ಅದೇ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮದಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರೊ.ಮಹೇಶ್ ಚಂದ್ರಗುರು ಅವರು ನಿಮ್ಮ ಮನೆಯಲ್ಲಿರುವ ದೇವರ ಫೊಟೊಗಳನ್ನು ಮೋರಿಗೆ ಎಸೆಯಿರಿ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಿಕೆ ನೀಡಿದ್ದರು. ಆ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿಯೂ ಕೂಡ ಪ್ರೊ.ಮಹೇಶ್ ಚಂದ್ರಗುರು ಅವರ ಮೇಲೆ ಅದೇ ಜಯಲಕ್ಷ್ಮಿಪುರಂನಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಕರಣ ದಾಖಲಾಗಿತ್ತು.

 

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'Jai Bhim, Lal Salam’: Myth and Reality

 

Vinod Kumar

vinod kumar jnuOf late, uniting Ambedkarism and communism has become a matter of discussion among intellectuals and students across India. As far as the emergence of this discourse is concerned, it is because of the increasing assertion of the Ambedkarite forces to alter the politics of the most prominent institutions, in particular HCU, JNU, IIT Madras, and TISS. Caste as the main problem and its annihilation has been the main objective of Ambedkarite politics, right from the beginning. But it was the communists who have so far neglected these primary issues. It is surprising how the forces that always demeaned the politics of caste annihilation and social justice have suddenly realized caste to be a serious problem. 

One needs to understand why these forces want to unite with Ambedkarite forces. What are the factors which compelled them to take the support of Ambedkarite forces? Is there any possibility to unite? What are the principles that can be the foundation for this unity? What is the theoretical development that can justify the unity of 'Jai Bhim and Lal Salam'?

Let us begin with the historical journey of these two movements. No doubt after the emergence of Marxist ideas in the world, all the countries, more or less, were influenced by this ideology, in some form or the other. The October Revolution in Russia gave a practical shape to Marxism with Lenin's idea of professional revolutionaries. In India, the Communist party was formed in 1925 at a time when Ambedkar was emerging as a strong voice in Indian politics, raising serious concerns pertaining to the Dalit-Bahujan situation in India and their future.

If we look at the history of the first five decades of the twentieth century, it can be marked as the era of emergence of different ideologies in Indian politics. Caste as class has been ignored by the Indian Marxists and hence they could not tackle the most serious problems of the society. Interestingly, the Communist movement is basically led by the upper castes, particularly the Brahmins, and the lower classes (marginalized communities) have been marginalized even within party structures of the communist parties, a trend that continues till date.

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ಡಾ.ಬಿ.ಆರ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್: ಭಾರತದ ನೋಟುಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ಯಾಕಿಲ್ಲ..?

 

ದಿಲೀಪ್ ನರಸಯ್ಯ ಎಮ್ (Dileep Narasaiah)

 

dileep maheshಇಡೀ ಪ್ರಪಂಚದಲ್ಲಿ ತಮ್ಮದೇ ವಿದ್ವತ್ತಿನಿಂದ ವಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಚಾಪನ್ನು ಮೂಡಿಸಿ, ಶ್ರೇಷ್ಠ ಮಾನವತಾವಾದಿ ಹಾಗೂ ಅರ್ಥಶಾಸ್ತ್ರಜ್ಞರಾಗಿ ಗಮನ ಸೆಳೆದವರು ಡಾ.ಬಿ.ಆರ್.ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್. ಆದರೆ ಜಾತಿಯ ಮತ್ತು ಧರ್ಮದ ಸಂಕೋಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸಿಲುಕಿ ಹಾಕಿಕೊಂಡು ದೂರ ನಿಲ್ಲಿಸಿದವರಲ್ಲಿ ಅವರನ್ನು ಬಿಟ್ಟರೆ ಬಹುಶಃ ಜಗತ್ತಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ಯಾವ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿಯನ್ನು ಕಾಣಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ. ಯಾವತ್ತಿನಿಂದ ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯತೆ ಆಚರಣೆ ಮತ್ತು ಜಾತಿ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಹೋರಾಟ ಪ್ರಾರಂಭಿಸಿದರೋ ಅಂದಿನಿಂದ ಇಂದಿನವರೆಗೂ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯ ಅಥವಾ ದಲಿತ ನಾಯಕರೆಂದು ಗುರುತಿಸಲ್ಪಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯ ಅಥವಾ ದಲಿತ ಹೋರಾಟಗಾರ ಎಂಬ ಇಮೇಜ್ಅನ್ನು ಅವರಿಗೆ ನೀಡಿ ಅವರಲ್ಲಿದ್ದ ಅತ್ಯದ್ಭುತ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿತ್ವ ಮತ್ತು ಸಾಧನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಮನುವಾದಿಗಳು ಹಿತಾಸಕ್ತಿಗಳು ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣವಾಗಿ ಮರೆಮಾಚಲು ಶ್ರಮಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಎಂದರೆ ತಪ್ಪಾಗುವುದಿಲ್ಲ.

ಜನವರಿ 26, 1950ರಂದು ಭಾರತ ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ಜಾರಿಯಾದ ನಂತರ ಸರ್ವರಿಗೂ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ, ಆರ್ಥಿಕ ಹಾಗೂ ರಾಜಕೀಯವಾಗಿ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಸಿಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಸರ್ವ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ಜೊತೆ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಪಡೆದ ದಲಿತ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳು ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರನ್ನು ತಮ್ಮ ವಿಮೋಚಕ, ಉದ್ದಾರಕ, ಅನ್ನದಾತ ಎಂದು ಭಾವಿಸ ತೊಡಗಿದರೆ ಇನ್ನಿತರರು ಅವರೊಬ್ಬ ಕೇವಲ ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯರ ನಾಯಕರೆಂದು ಕಡ್ಡಿ ತುಂಡಾದಂತೆ ಕಡೆಗಣಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅಂತಹ ಮೇಧಾವಿ, ಬಹುಮುಖ ಪ್ರತಿಭೆ, ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿತ್ವವನ್ನು ಹೀಗೆ ನಿರ್ಲಕ್ಷಿಸುತ್ತಾ ಬಂದಿರುವುದು ಈ ದೇಶದ ಘೋರ ದುರಂತವೆಂದೇ ಹೇಳಬಹುದು.

ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ತಮ್ಮ ಜೀವಿತ ಕಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಪಟ್ಟ ಶ್ರಮಕ್ಕೆ ಇಂದು ಕೊಟ್ಯಾಂತರ ಜನ ಸುಖವಾಗಿ ಬಾಳುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ.. ಹೌದು, ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರ ಚಿಂತನೆಗಳು ಇಂದು ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರದಲ್ಲೂ ಮಿಂಚುತ್ತಿವೆ. ವಿದ್ಯಾವಂತರು ಹೆಚ್ಚಾಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದಂತೆ ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬರ ಸಿದ್ದಾಂತ ಎಲ್ಲೆಡೆ ಬೇರೂರುತ್ತಿದೆ. ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಹಾಗೂ ಅಂತರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ವಿದ್ವಾಂಸರು ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರನ್ನೇ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಬಿಂದುವಾಗಿಟ್ಟುಕೊಂಡು ಅಧ್ಯಯನ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಇಷ್ಟೆಲ್ಲಾ ಸಂಶೋಧನೆಗಳು ನಡೆಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೂ ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬರ ಚಿಂತನೆಯಲ್ಲಿರುವ ವಿಶಾಲತೆ, ತೀವ್ರತೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಉಪಯುಕ್ತತೆ ಗ್ರಹಿಸುವಲ್ಲಿ ಕೆಲವರು ದುರುದ್ದೇಶಪುರಿತವಾಗಿ ಹಿಂದೆ ಬಿದ್ದಿರುವುದು ಶೋಚನೀಯ. ಆದರೆ, ಒಂದಂತೂ ನಿಜ, ಡಾ.ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರ ಚಿಂತನೆಗಳು ಸಮಾಜದಲ್ಲಿ ಎಷ್ಟು ನಿಧಾನಗತಿದಲ್ಲಿ ಚಲಿಸುತ್ತದೋ ಅಷ್ಟು ಪರಿಣಾಮಕಾರಿಯಾಗಿ ಆಳವಾಗಿ ಬೇರು ಬಿಡುತ್ತದೆ ಎಂಬುದರಲ್ಲಿ ಅನುಮಾನವಿಲ್ಲ.

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