Institutional Discrimination in Academic Agrahara


Bansidhar Deep

bansidhar deep 1"When equality is denied everything is denied. There is no equality in M.Phil/Ph.D admission, there is no equality in viva-voce, there is only denial of equality, denying prof. SukhadeoThorat recommendation, denying students protest places in Ad-block, denying the education of the marginals."~ Muthukrishnan's (Rajni Krish) last FB post.

Caste system in India is one of the curses for Dalit and other marginalised groups or communities. After the death of Ashoka the great, socio-political conditions of non-marginalised communities gradually became marginalised and the Brahminical domination started over them. And that was the period of Buddhism's decline in India. To dominate the egalitarian people, the Brahmins established two anti-social institutions: Caste and Patriarchy. Therefore, without the background of these institutions we would not be able to understand anything about Indian society and the polity of this country. Within the scope of this paradigm the whole situation of the lower castes became worse in terms of their education, social position, economic condition, political participation and decision making within their community and outside of it. These conditions continue till today with slight changes. But fortunately, the modern liberal education introduced by British, makes Dalits  conscious for their rights and dignity, to some extent.


The Death of a Historian in Centre for Historical Studies, JNU


Jitendra Suna

Speech made at the protest by BAPSA on 16th March, 2017 against the Institutional Murder of Muthukrishnan (Rajini Krish)

jitendra sunaI am Jitendra Suna, and I am from a remote village named Pourkela in the District Kalahandi, Orissa. I completed my high school from B. R. Ambedkar Uchhavidyapitha Pourkela, but never really knew who Dr. Ambedkar was. When I was in 8th standard I lost my mother, she was the head of our family. My mother wanted to send us to a science school but she died and my family did not have enough money to send us to a science school. After completing my plus two (higher secondary) I came to Delhi for earning some money. I used to go to work with my brother. He was working in IGL (Indraprastha Gas Limited) as a helper, I also joined as helper. There was one fellow worker, I am unable to remember his name now, but his last name was Murari. He always used to ask my brother, 'what is the meaning of Suna'? My brother always tried to divert the issue and never mentioned his surname and caste. I saw this uneasiness throughout my stay in Delhi. After working for one year, I went back to my village and took admission for a BA degree.

Untouchability and caste practices are like a barbarous phenomena in my village as well as throughout Orissa. In my childhood I used to have a close friend who was from my village. I used to invite him to my home on special occasions and ask him to have food with us at my home. He would eat only after we requested him many times. Whenever I used to go to his home, I would be given some food outside the home, not even in the veranda. After having food I used to wash the utensils and give them back. This was because I was from a Dalit community. It was a day-to-day phenomenon; it was the 'commonsense' of our life. I could not think that it was wrong or right, because I have seen it since I was born. One day when talking to my friend I went near to the door, his mother suddenly got furious when she saw that I had touched the door. She suddenly shouted at me saying, "how dare you come inside my home, you are like fallen water of roof that cannot enter inside the room". I was shocked. I was not able to think what to say at that moment. I stood there like a statue for a minute. I sat down and after few minutes I was able to talk and asked my friend, "henta ken (is it so)?" Then he said 'yes, what will people say if you will come inside the room, it's not good'. After that incident I was not able to sleep, eat and talk properly, I was totally disturbed and depressed. I stopped going to his home. That time I did not know that there is an act called Prevention of Atrocities (SC/ST) Act or an act against the practice of untouchability. Even when Dalits knew about these acts, they could not do anything about those abhorrent, heinous, and degrading practices.

Link of the speech:


I am someone who thinks in an Ayyankali thought: Vinayakan, best actor


Dwija Aami and Sreerag Poickadan

Malayalam actor Vinayakan has received the Kerala State government's Best Actor Award 2016 for the Malayalee film Kammatpadam, recently. His interview by Jimmy James in Asianet News television channel for the programme 'Point Blank' on March 13, 2017, became viral on social media owing to his bold answers, straightforwardness and the assertion of his 'Pulaya' identity. 

vinayakan 1a

In the movie, he plays Ganga, a representative of the erased off native communities like the Pulayas, a marginalized caste of Cochin, Kerala, who were pushed out from the margins of the city as it was being built. There was certain criticism raised against the 'Uppered caste' gaze of the movie. However, Vinayakan's character has made a strong impact, which even led to a public campaign for him to get the award. The interview was transcribed by Dwija Aami and Sreerag Poickadan for Round Table India.  

Link to the video:


Interviewer: People wished that this person should get the award, they  demanded that this award should only go to that particular someone and at last, the award committee's decision also favoured the people's wish. I am talking about this year's Kerala State Film Award for Best Actor. This time we have Vinayakan with us in Point Blank, who has won the state's best actor award. Welcome.


Indian Academia and Institutional Injustice


B. Prabakaran

b prabakaranJNU has been celebrated for critical thinking, political activism and regarded as one of the premier institutions for higher education and excellence in research. Students also strongly believe that campuses like JNU would be a 'cultural mechanism' for interactions within the student community coming from diverse social groups, and a resourceful platform for academic learning. For some months now JNU had been in the headlines for voicing 'anti-national slogans' by students of left wing organizations. This time the campus turns out to be a boiling pot for a nationwide debate on the institutional murder of a poor, first generation dalit student, Muthukrishnan of Tamil Nadu.

Muthukrishnan, according to his friend's testimony, died unnaturally as well as suspiciously. Media reports suggests he was forced to commit suicide at his friend's room in Delhi, in a depressive state of mind as a consequence of discriminatory attitudes in the campus while pursuing research. Muthukrishnan was an active member of Ambedkar Students' Association (ASA) and raised his voice against Rohith Vemula's social death and other related issues at Hyderabad Central University. He had been a hard working learner who considered education as a tool for social change. He, therefore, repeatedly attempted to get an admission at JNU from his days of doing masters. He never gave up the struggle to join JNU since it was one of his cherished dreams. Eventually he reached there happily.


ಎರಡು ಸಾಂಸ್ಥಿಕ ಹತ್ಯೆಗಳ ನಡುವೆ..!


ಮಂಜುನಾಥ ನರಗುಂದ (Manjunath Naragund)

manjunath naragundಕಾರ್ಲ್ ಮಾರ್ಕ್ಸ್ ನ "History repeats itself. First as tragedy, second as farce" ಎನ್ನುವ ಮಾತು ಸದ್ಯ ರೋಹಿತ್ ವೇಮುಲಾ ಮತ್ತು ರಜಿನಿ ಕ್ರಿಷ್ ಅವರ ಸಾಂಸ್ಥಿಕ ಹತ್ಯೆಗಳ ಚಿತ್ರಣಕ್ಕೆ ಸರಿಯಾಗಿ ಅನ್ವಯಿಸುತ್ತದೆ.
ಇವರಿಬ್ಬರ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆಗಳಿಗೂ ಮುನ್ನ ಇಂತಹವೇ ಹಲವು ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆಗಳು ವಿವಿಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆದಾಗಲೂ ಅವು ಸೀಮಿತ ಚೌಕಟ್ಟಿನೊಳಗೆ ಬಂಧಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದವು. ಆದರೆ, ರೋಹಿತನ ಸಾಂಸ್ಥಿಕ ಹತ್ಯೆ ಎಲ್ಲ ಸೀಮಿತ ಸಂಕೋಲೆಗಳನ್ನು ಕಿತ್ತು ತನ್ನ ಒಳಸಂಕಟದ ಬೇಗುದಿಗಳನ್ನು ಜಗದಗಲ ತೆರೆದಿಟ್ಟಿದ್ದು ಈಗ ಇತಿಹಾಸ. ಈ ಇತಿಹಾಸ ಇಂದು ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯ ದುರಂತದ ಭಾಗವಾಗಿದೆ. ಈ ದುರಂತದ ಮತ್ತೊಂದು ಮುಂದುವರೆದ ಭಾಗವಾಗಿ ಇಂದು ರಜಿನಿ ಕ್ರಿಶ್ ನ ಸಾಂಸ್ಥಿಕ ಕೊಲೆ ಘಟಿಸಿದೆ. ಇಂತಹ ಶೋಷಿತ ವಿದ್ಯಾರ್ಥಿಗಳ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆಗಳು ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯನ್ನು ಅಣಕಿಸುವುದರ ಭಾಗವಾಗಿ ನಮಗೆ ಕಾಣುತ್ತಿವೆ. ರೋಹಿತ್, ರಜನಿ ಅವರನ್ನು ಹತ್ತಿರದಿಂದ ಕಂಡವರಿಗೆ ಅವರ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆಗಳು ಹಾಗೂ ಅವುಗಳ ಕಾರಣಗಳೂ ನಿಜಕ್ಕೂ ದಿಗಿಲೂ ಹುಟ್ಟಿಸುತ್ತಿವೆ.

ರಜನಿ ಕ್ರಿಷ್....
ನಾನು ಯಾವಾಗಲೂ ಅವನನ್ನು ನೋಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದದ್ದೂ ಹೆಗಲಿಗೆ ಖಾದಿ ಬ್ಯಾಗ್ ತೊಟ್ಟು ಸಾಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ರಭಸದ ನಡಿಗೆ, ಹೈದರಾಬಾದ್ ಕೇಂದ್ರೀಯ ವಿವಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ನನ್ನ ಬ್ಯಾಚಮೇಟ್ ಆಗಿದ್ದ ಅವನು ಇತಿಹಾಸ ವಿಭಾಗದಲ್ಲಿ ಅಧ್ಯನ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಓಡಿಸ್ಸಾದ ನನ್ನ ರೂಮೆಟ್ ರಾಜಕುಮಾರ್ ದೀಪ್ ನ ಕ್ಲಾಸ್ ಮೇಟ್. ಕ್ಯಾಪಂಸನಲ್ಲಿ ಸಿಕ್ಕಾಗಲೆಲ್ಲ ಸದಾ ನಗುಮುಖದಿಂದಲೇ ಮಾತನಾಡಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಅವನ ರೀತಿ, ಕ್ಯಾಂಪಸ್ ನ ಪ್ರತಿ ಹೋರಾಟಗಳಲ್ಲೂ, ಅದರಲ್ಲೂ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರೈಟ್ ವಿಚಾರದ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಇರುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ಅವನ ಹಾಜರಿ, ನನಗೆ ಈಗಲೂ ಕಣ್ಣು ಕಟ್ಟಿದಂತಿದೆ.


भविष्य की दलित-बहुजन राजनीति: जाति से वर्ण और वर्ण से धर्म की राजनीति की ओर


Sanjay Jothe

उत्तर प्रदेश के चुनाव परिणाम जितने बीजेपी के लिए महत्वपूर्ण हैं उससे कहीं अधिक दलित बहुजन राजनीति के लिए महत्वपूर्ण हैं. दलित बहुजन राजनीति के एक लंबे और संघर्षपूर्ण सफ़र का यह परिणाम दुखद है. लेकिन यह होना ही था. इस पराजय की प्रष्ठभूमि लंबे समय से निर्मित हो रही थी. ज्ञान, विज्ञान, शोध और नवाचारों के इस दौर में दलित नेताओं और नेत्रियों द्वारा बुद्धि की बात और बुद्धिजीवियों से दुश्मनी कर लेने का एक अनिवार्य परिणाम यही होना था. जिस तरह से सामाजिक आन्दोलन को और सामाजिक जागरण सहित सामाजिक संगठन के काम को कमजोर किया गया है उसका ऐसा परिणाम आना ही था. लेकिन यह एक महत्वपूर्ण शिक्षा है. अब हमें तय करना होगा की राजनीतिक आन्दोलन और सामाजिक आन्दोलन में किसे चुनें, या इन दोनों आयामों में किस आयाम पर कितना जोर दें और इनके बीच के गतिशील समीकरण को कैसे साधें और आगे बढ़ाएं.

why do you worry about caste

अगर गौर से देखा जाए तो प्रश्न ये है कि अंबेडकर के जातिनाश के आह्वान और कांशीराम के जाति पर गर्व करने के आह्वान में छुपे सामाजिक और राजनीतिक आवश्यकताओं के द्वंद्व को कैसे सुलझाएं? यह प्रश्न बहुत जटिल लगता है लेक,इन इसका उत्तर बहुत आसान है जिस पर लंबे समय तक कुछ हद तक अमल भी किया गया है. इन दोनों अंतर्दृष्टियों के दो स्पष्ट लक्ष्य रहे हैं. अंबेडकर एक समाजशास्त्री और मानवशास्त्री होने के नाते अपने ही भीतर ज़िंदा राजनीतिज्ञ को भी सलाह दे रहे हैं कि सामाजिक जागरण पहले करो और बाद में उस जागरण के प्रकाश में राजनीति का आभामंडल बुनो. दूसरी तरफ कांशीराम ने जाति पर गर्व करने की जो बात कही वह विशुद्ध राजनीतिक लाभ के प्रयोजन से की गयी थी. यह एक जमीनी राजनीति की एक मनोवैज्ञानिक जरूरत है. अगर लोगों में आत्मसम्मान नहीं होगा तो फिर वे संगठित भी नहीं होंगे और किसी सामान्य और साझे लक्ष्य के लिए काम भी नहीं करेंगे – यह सीधा सा गणित है. इसीलिए मान्यवर कांशीराम ने जो प्रस्तावना दी उसमे जाति पर गर्व करना प्रमुख बात रही. वहीं बाबा साहेब ने जाति पर गर्व करने की नहीं बल्कि जाति से घृणा करने की और उसके संपूर्ण नाश के लिए संगठित होने की सलाह दी. इन दो सलाहों का परिणाम हम देख चुके हैं. असल में अंबेडकर की सलाह को जमीन पर उतरने के लिए जो मार्ग चाहिए वो जातियों से होकर नहीं जाता, जा भी नहीं सकता. यह एक तार्किक बात है आइये इसे इसके विस्तार में समझें.


आज़ाद भारत में डॉ. अंबेडकर का विस्तार - साहेब कांशी राम

साहेब कांशी राम के जीवन पर एक संक्षिप्त रेखाचित्र

Satvendar Madara (सतविंदर मदारा)

Satvendra Madaraभारत में बहुजन इंक़लाब लाने वाले साहब कांशी राम का जन्म 15 मार्च 1934 को उनके नैनिहाल गाँव पिरथी पुर बुंगा साहिब, जिला रोपड़, पंजाब में हुआ था, उनका अपना पैतृक गाँव खुआसपुर, जिला रोपड़ (अब रूपनगर), पंजाब था। उनके पिता का नाम सरदार हरी सिंह और माँ का नाम बिशन कौर था, उनके परिवार में भी बाबासाहब अंबेडकर की ही तरह लोग भारतीय सेना में रह चुके थे। उनका परिवार रामदासी जाति से संभंधित था, जो की चमार जाती से धर्म परिवर्तन कर सिख बन चुकी एक जाति थी। उनके परिवार में उनके तीन दो छोटे भाई और चार बहने थी, साहब कांशी राम सभी भाई-बहनों में सबसे बड़े थे। उन्होंने अपनी शुरुआती पढाई, अपने नज़दीकी गाँवो से की और BSc रोपड़ से की।

साहब कांशी राम सेहत में काफी हट्टे कट्टे थे और पढाई में अव्वल होने के साथ-साथ, उन्हें खेलों का भी अच्छा-खासा शौक था, खास करके कुश्ती और कबड्डी का। वैसे तो पंजाब में सिख धर्म का काफी प्रभाव होने के कारण, उन्हें ज़्यादा छुआछूत का शिकार नहीं होना पड़ा, पर फिर भी जब कभी उनके सामने किसी के साथ कोई जातीय भेदभाव होता तो उन्हें काफी तकलीफ होती थी। एक बार वह रोपड़ के किसी ढाबे में बैठे थे, तभी उनके सामने कुछ लोग बातें करने लगे कि कैसे उन्होंने कुछ 'चमारों' की पिटाई की और उनसे ज़बरदस्ती काम करवाया। इतना सुनते ही वो आग बबूला हो उठे और उनपर कुर्सी पटक कर मारी और ऐसी घटिया बातें करने के लिए उनकी अच्छी पिटाई भी की। ढाबे वालो ने बीच-बचाव करते हुए उन लोगों को छुड़वाया। 1956 में B.Sc करने के बाद, उन्होंने देहरादून में सर्वे ऑफ़ इंडिया में नौकरी की, पर ट्रेनिंग करते वक़्त उन्हें एक करार पर दस्तखत करने को कहा गया जो उन्हें ठीक नहीं लगा और उस नौकरी को जाने दिया। 1957-1958 में उन्होंने पुणे, महाराष्ट्र में डिफेंस रिसर्च एंड डेवेलपमेंट आर्गेनाइजेशन (DRDO) में बतौर खोज अधिकारी (Research Assistant) नौकरी शुरू की।


When Equality is Denied, Everything is Denied


Periyar Bhim Vemula

Another Dalit scholar has committed suicide, this time in Jawaharlal Nehru University. Muthukrishnan (27), a self-made student, who travelled all the way to Delhi from Salem was pushed to this state by this society, this empire called India. What are the reasons for his suicide?

rajini krish

Muthukrishnan had written a small post on Facebook a couple of days before his death, in the post, he wrote how inequality prevailed in JNU, in its admission process and in the viva-voce. The University was "denying the education for the marginals," he wrote.

When I read Muthukrishnan's post, I was immediately reminded of the suicide note left by Rohith Vemula. "My birth is my fatal accident," lamented Rohith in his suicide note last year before he ended his life on his university campus. Rohith was a scholar in science, he wanted to peer into the stars and study the universe, just like the American scientist Carl Sagan did. His dreams, and those of Muthukrishnan, were killed by inequality.


ಸಮಾನತೆ ನಿರಾಕರಿಸಲಾದರೆ, ಎಲ್ಲವೂ ನಿರಾಕರಿಸಿದ ಹಾಗೆ


ಡೆರಿಕ್ ಫ಼್ರಾಂಸಿಸ್ (ಪೆರಿಯಾರ್ ಭೀಮ್ ವೆಮುಳಾ)

ಇನ್ನೊಬ್ಬ ದಲಿತ ವಿದ್ವಾಂಸನ ಕ್ರೂರ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆ ಜವಹರ್ಲಾಲ್ ನೆಹರು ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾಲಯದಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆದಿದೆ. ಸೇಲಮ್ ನಿಂದ ದಹಲಿಯ ವರೆಗೆ ತನ್ನ ಸ್ವಂತ ಪ್ರಯತ್ನದಿಂದ ಬಂದ 27 ವಯಸ್ಸಿನ ಮುತ್ತುಕೃಷ್ಣನ್ ಇಂತಹ ಒಂದು ಸ್ಥಿತಿಗೆ ತಳ್ಳಲ್ಪಟ್ಟದ್ದು ನಮಗೆ, ಈ ಭಾರತ ಎನ್ನುವ ಸಾಮ್ರಾಜ್ಯಕ್ಕೆ, ಅವಮಾನಕರ ವಿಶಯ. ಅವನ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆಗೆ ಕಾರಣವೇನು?

rajini krish

ಮುತ್ತುಕೃಷ್ಣನ್, ತನ್ನ ಸಾವಿನ ಎರಡು ದಿನಗಳ ಮುಂಚೆ Facebookಅಲ್ಲಿ ತನ್ನ ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾಲದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಅಸಮಾನತೆಯ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಒಂದು ಸೂಚನೆಯನ್ನು ಬರೆದ್ದಿದ್ದರು. ಆ ಸೂಚನೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಅವರು JNUದಲ್ಲಿ ಸಮಾನತೆಯೆ ಇಲ್ಲ, ಅದರ ಪ್ರವೇಶ ಪ್ರಕ್ರಿಯೆ ಹಾಗು ವಾಚಾ ಅಸಮಾನವಾಗಿದೆ; ಅಂಚಿನಲ್ಲಿರುವವರಿಗೆ ಸಮಾನತೆ ಇಲ್ಲವಂದು ಬರೆದಿದ್ದರು.

ಮುತ್ತುಕೃಷ್ಣನ್ ಅವರ ಸಣ್ಣ ಸೂಚನೆಯನ್ನು ನೋಡುವಾಗ, ನನಗೆ ರೋಹಿತ್ ವೆಮುಳಾ ಬರೆದ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆ ಟಿಪ್ಪಣಿ ಜ್ಞಾಪಕಕ್ಕೆ ಬರುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಅದರಲ್ಲಿ ರೋಹಿತ್ "ನನ್ನ ಜನ್ಮ ನನ್ನ ಮಾರಣಾಂತಿಕ ಅಪಘಾತ ಆಗಿದೆ" ಎಂದು ಬೇಸರಿಸಿದರು. ವಿಜ್ಞಾನ ವಿದ್ಯಾರ್ಥಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದ ರೋಹಿತ್, ಅಮೇರಿಕಾದ ಪ್ರಸಿದ್ಧ ವಿಜ್ಞಾನಿ ಕಾರ್ಲ್ ಸೇಗನ್ ಅವರ ಹಾಗೆ ನಕ್ಷತ್ರಗಳು ನೋಡಲು ಮತ್ತು ಬ್ರಹ್ಮಾಂಡವನ್ನು ಪರಿಶೋಧಿಸಲು ಬಯಸಿದರು. ಆ ಆಸೆಯನ್ನು, ಮುತ್ತುಕೃಷ್ಣನ್ ಅವರ ಆಸೆಯನ್ನು ಈ ಅಸಮಾನ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯು ಕೊಲೆಮಾಡಿದೆ.


Interview with Prof Vivek Kumar on the Bahujan Movement


Round Table India

In this episode of the Ambedkar Age series, Round Table India talks to Prof Vivek Kumar, Professor, Centre for the Study of Social Systems, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.

Prof Vivek Kumar III

 In the interview, Prof Vivek Kumar touches upon a vast range of subjects, including the contours of Indian politics in the last four decades, the Bahujan movement, Dalit assertion and literature etc. He talks about the conceptualisation of the Bahujan Movement by Saheb Kanshi Ram, and its evolution and growth over the years. He also shares experiences from his own participation in the movement as a journalist, researcher, teacher, writer and public intellectual.

The interview was conducted by Kuffir along with Pushpendra Johar, a research scholar, and produced by Gurinder Azad.


EVM is Killing India’s Democracy


S Kumar
Election process is the sacred soul of a democracy. After India’s independence, voting rights were granted to all the adults irrespective of caste, creed, gender, religion etc., without any discrimination. Earlier the voting process were done using paper based ballots. The election process gradually became more prone to manipulation with violence and Booth capturing. Also, the counting process used to take days due to the large population size.

armchair intellectuals

To increase the efficiency, reduce costs and eliminate chances of booth capturing, Electronic Voting Machines (EVM) were introduced. EVM was introduced in 1989 by the Election Commission in collaboration with Electronic Corporation of India Limited (ECIL). Presently, it is also manufactured by Bharat Electronics Limited. The full scale usage of EVMs in all the State and Central elections started from 2004. The current EVM consists of buttons, memory chip, software program, electronic board and result display unit. Let us see what are the issues related to the EVM and how it can be manipulated or hacked to kill the democratic process.


श्मशान और मंदिर इतना महत्वपूर्ण क्यों है??


Sanjay Jothe

अक्सर ही ग्रामीण विकास के मुद्दों पर काम करते हुए गाँवों में लोगों से बात करता हूँ या ग्रामीणों के साथ कोई प्रोजेक्ट की प्लानिंग करता हूँ तो दो बातें हमेशा चौंकाती हैं।

पहली बात ये कि ग्रामीण सवर्ण लोग मूलभूत सुविधाओं जैसे सड़क, बिजली, तालाब, स्कूल आदि बनवाने की बजाय मंदिर, श्मशान, कथा, यज्ञ हवन भंडारे आदि में ज्यादा पैसा खर्च करते हैं। दुसरी बात ये कि जहाँ भी सार्वजनिक या सामाजिक संसाधन निर्मित करने की बात आती है वहां स्वर्ण हिन्दू एकदम से धर्मप्राण होकर विकास के खिलाफ हो जाते हैं और भूमिहीन दलित आदिवासी ओबीसी गरीब समुदाय चाहकर भी कुछ कर नहीं पाते।

syam graveyard


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