Buddhism is one of the most prominent topics in the study of ancient Indian history. The reason for its presence and visibility in Indian history owes to its existence to a wide time scale traversed during the 6th century BC to 11th century AD. There is no doubt that many special and unique features of Buddhism not only reshaped Indian culture and society, but it also played an eminent role in spreading its teachings across the world, where it is still shining as one of the prominent religions. However, in its own birth land, Buddhism was not able to sustain its existence.
Indian historians shared their diverse opinions on this subject. But the strange and the weird commonality in their writings is that they all seem to be biased against Buddhism and on some occasions they have committed factual errors in dealing with this important subject. There have also been many instances when the same allegation or beliefs were repeated by a number of prominent Indian Historians but without referring to each other. Thus, there was repetition of same allegations again and again in the manner of putting old wine in new bottles.
This paper1 is an attempt to critically evaluate the writings of these eminent Indian historians.
Statement released by the Bahujan Samaj Party at its Central OFfice In New Delhi on Monday, February 29, 2016. Translated from Hindi by Karishma Choudhary.
Ms. Mayawati ji's Statement in the Rajya Sabha
• The single member Judicial Inquiry Commission -- which was constituted for investigation into the case of abetment to suicide of Shri Rohith Vemula -- does not have a Dalit member. Besides this, there are fundamental flaws which make this Gazette Notification invalid and illegal.
• BSP National President, MP (Rajya Sabha) and former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Ms Mayawati ji stated this inside the Parliament, outside it and to the media as well. In this manner, the anti-Dalit mindset of the BJP lead Central Government has been exposed in front of the country.
• Death of Shri Rohith Vemula due to autocratic and tyrannical government and the JNU issue were clubbed together in the Parliament because of mutual understanding between the BJP and the Congress. It is the result of anti-Dalit mindset of both parties.
New Delhi, 26 February. 2016.
• The National President of Bahujan Samaj Party, MP (Rajya Sabha) and former Chief Minister, Uttar Pradesh, Ms. Mayawati elaborated on the case of abetment to suicide of Shri Rohit Vemula, inside the Rajya Sabha, outside it as well as to the media. She exposed the anti-Dalit mindset of the Central Government led by Narendra Modi and said that in this case the BJP government is operating in the same vile and wrong manner as the Congress Party used to when it was in Government at the centre.
Devesh Kapur, D Shyam Babu and Chandra Bhan Prasad
Born to an indentured laborer father in a Dalit family where food mattered more than studies, Mannam Madhusudan Rao began as a construction worker. Today, he runs his own construction company that is completing a township worth Rs 250 crore. This is the story of how he took this remarkable journey – the colossal risks, successes and failures through which he has persevered, all the while fighting the stigma of caste and entrepreneurship in a culture that values a job, preferably a safe government job, over independence.
The wide road leading to Jubilee Hills is difficult to navigate with its heavy motor traffic and unwieldy dips and turns. The near absence of pedestrians on the road points to its being an exclusive residential area in Hyderabad, sought by those with the means to afford its dramatic hilltop views and discreetly nestled mansions, a luxury anywhere in urban India.
Mannam Madhusudhan Rao, founder of the MMR Group. Photo courtesy Mannam Madhusudhan Rao
The major artery, Road Number 86, slices through the heart of Jubilee Hills, servicing the numerous mansions and apartment complexes that have mushroomed on its hilltops. The rich and famous of Hyderabad – film stars, politicians, contractors, big-time moneylenders, industrialists and bankers – have laid claim to the hills. Their homes provide a convenient getaway from the heat and chaos of the city below, while remaining close enough to keep tabs on their business preoccupations. So it is with Mannam Madhusudan Rao, known as MMR, who occupies a prized apartment on the hilltop.
In his late thirties, MMR owns and runs the MMR Group of Companies, involved in construction, including infrastructure projects. He is racing to complete an entire township in Rajahmundry, a project worth Rs 250 crore.
MMR's route to his coveted hilltop address began with a dinner party in September 2011 at a country club in Jubilee Hills. "That's a dinner I didn't relish," he now admits. "It was more about drinks than food!"
Till 1994, Kishore was one of those forgotten people who have to struggle to get the minimum necessities in life, and undergo humiliation and abuse from the rich and powerful who have everything in life handed to them on a platter.
An illegitimate son to a tamasha dancer (tamasha being a performing folk art in Maharashtra famous for its dancers who sing 'laavni' — raunchy songs), Kishore was born into the Kolhati community. It is a community that survives on tamasha shows and where the girls are groomed to become dancers. The men live on the earnings and generally turn to alcohol.
Kishore wanted more from life. After somehow convincing his family, he went to school. The authorities wanted to know his father's name so that they could admit him. After a lot of persuasion and delay, Kishore was allowed to use his mother Shantabai's name as his middle name.
The poverty, superstition, alcoholism and illiteracy that he grew up around gave him the drive to study medicine so that he could do his bit for society in general and his community in particular. With help from his aunt Madhu Kambikar, a Marathi film actress, he enrolled in Grant Medical College, Mumbai, for his MBBS. He was teased and insulted endlessly by more 'civilised' children who wanted to know where his father was and what his mother did.
Dilip Awasthi and Javed M. Ansari
December 31, 1993
In India, 50 per cent of the media is pro-BJP: Kanshi Ram
He sits in an old chair in the corner of a sparsely furnished and dimly lit room in New Delhi, speaking in a commanding tone and bristling with a new confidence for, at 59, Kanshi Ram has finally arrived in politics.
Taking an almost childish delight in telling his stream of visitors how he succeeded despite dire predictions to the contrary, Kanshi Ram talks in a low voice although his conversation is high on rhetoric when he touches on his favourite theme - the "Brahminical social order".
His euphoria is understandable. Kanshi Ram and his Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) have entered the political firmament from virtually nowhere with the help, of course, of his ally Mulayam Singh. Kanshi Ram has seen his party grow from being a fringe force merely nibbling into the votes of the major parties to capturing 67 seats in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly.
Principal Correspondents Dilip Awasthi and Javed M. Ansari asked Kanshi Ram, generally referred to as belonging to a Scheduled Caste, about his future strategy, his contempt for the existing social order and the confusion surrounding his own caste. Excerpts:
Q. Despite so many years in politics you still remain an enigma. Some callyou a Brahmin, others believe you are a former IAS officer while some are convinced that you are a Christian.
A. All this is a media manipulation. As many as 110 cover stories on me have appeared so far and you are still asking me this question. I am fed up of this question and will not answer it. If you want, you can refer to the old records or ask my workers outside.