Chithralekha's family attacked again

 

Eramangalathu Chitralekha

chitraOn October 21st I was attacked again. This time they rounded up and beat my husband Sreeskanth because now they are scared to touch me.

Sreeskanth has been living a life of social exclusion for a long time now. His relatives have abandoned him, his friends don't talk to him, except very secretly, and no one in the auto stand also talks to him. But they keep taunting him saying that he is under a Pulachi (Pulaya/Dalit woman) and is a good for nothing. But he bears it all silently. After my auto was burned there was an attack on his life. At that time they mistook my brother-in-law for him and he was stabbed on his back very badly and only escaped death very narrowly. Then we had to run away from our house. Later we came back and we started driving our auto in Edattu.

After I was beaten up in the mob attack on May 18th, which I had written about earlier, my legs have swollen up and am unable to drive the auto regularly. So recently Sreeskanth was driving the auto and was earning some money. I, in the mean time, was trying to fight the many cases.

On October 21 st they started taunting him again as usual and as usual he just bore it without saying anything. Then all of them including Rameshan who is one of the culprits in the case for burning my auto, started beating him up. Sreeskanth is all alone in the auto stand, and no one supports him or even talks to him. So very quickly they outnumbered him and beat him down. They also took his money and his mobile, which has all our numbers and with which we contact everybody when in trouble.

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Popular mythologies and their implications for violence against women

 

Violence against women in India – A review of the popular mythologies and their implications for VAW

Cynthia Stephen

India's reputation as a destination for spiritual seekers seems to have faded in recent years. Reputed worldwide to the be the land of the oldest living civilisation, with a rich culture, living tradition, and a climate of ahimsa (non-violence), as exemplified by the struggle against the British colonisers which was almost bloodless, and resulted in the Independent Indian nation on the 15th of August, 1947.

A part of this tradition, it is claimed, is revering women in the form of the mother or the goddess. Proponents of this viewpoint cite a verse to the effect that "Where women are worshipped there the gods reside". But there has always been ample evidence that this was more observed in the breach; that the societal structures discriminated severely against women in all arenas: economic, social, legal, political, personal. The evidence came in the 1970s, in the form of the Report "Towards Equality" – A report of the Status of Women in India. The elite women who formed the study team, set up by the Central Government, were stunned at the disparity between men and women in India. It was in the aftermath of this study, which was prepared for the first UN World Conference on Women in Mexico in 1975, that the government of India began to undertake policy measures and provide funding for work among and for women.

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In capitalism, you can buy a Merc and hire a Brahmin driver

 

Arati R Jerath

The launch of the first Dalit venture capital fund was a red-letter day for Dalit entrepreneurs. But can the rise of a handful of Dalit billionaires empower a historically oppressed and exploited community? Dalit intellectual and writer Chandra Bhan Prasad believes it can. Defending the market as a liberating force, he tells Arati R Jerath that despite its drawbacks, capitalism, not quotas, is the way to go.

Black capitalism in the US is the inspiration for Dalit capitalism. But statistics show that African-Americans continue to languish behind on all socio-economic indicators. So how will Dalit capitalism benefit Dalits?

Black capitalism has brought visibility with recognition to the Blacks. If you compare their situation today with their immediate past, there is a landmark change. In absolute terms of course they remain unequal to the Whites. In India, capitalism is emancipatory because in capitalism, nothing is fixed by birth. The only permanent thing is competition and a Dalit has the opportunity to move ahead through competition. In the caste order, you cannot buy Brahmin status. In capitalism, you can buy a Mercedes and hire a Brahmin driver. That's the difference capitalism is making.

But you will agree that capitalism introduces a different set of inequities. And Dalits are the worst sufferers because they are still at the bottom of the ladder.

Capitalism may have class-based problems but these are radically different from caste-based problems. A caste-based system is a system of humiliation. In capitalism, there is poverty of course but that is universal to everyone regardless of his birth. Anyone who is lazy, who doesn't want to compete, will face the problem of poverty but minus the humiliation.

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Interview with Gowthama Sannah, Propaganda Secretary of the VCK (Part 3)

 

This is the third and final part of the interview with Gowthama Sannah, Propaganda Secretary of the VCK - Chennai, 26th September 2012

(Please read the second part here and the first part here)

[This interview was first published in Vol 2, No 1 (2013) issue of 'The South Asianist']

Hugo Gorringe: Where was this?

Gowthama Sannah: In a village near Dindugal. There are such problems in many places, but it is only when we become aware of these issues that everyone realises that the problems exist. There are so many villages which have not come to public attention, what can we say about them? Now we in the VCK need to tackle court cases, protest, lead struggles, stand against caste- Hindus, stand against exploiters, stand against the police, address the concerns and doubts of party comrades, address the concerns of non-Dalits in the party – it is within this multitude of concerns that we have to address any problem. We cannot directly confront any problem, but have to be mindful of all these in finding a solution. In some areas we get an immediate resolution in others – like in Munjanoor (Namakal District) – it took 20 years to get a solution. In those 20 years what will the people have said? They will have said: 'this lot come and go, and come and go', that is what they will have said. Today we were successful on the back of continued protests – this was not a one-off demonstration or a problem that arose the other day. Caste is an issue that has been ongoing for thousands of years and you cannot resolve that in two or three days. It takes years of sustained protests. If the VCK back off from such protests then you can condemn us. If they accuse us of selling out even when protests are ongoing then it is our job to help them understand the ground realities.

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The patriarchal and moralistic discourse of 'Save our Sisters'

 

Shaheen Ahmed

shaheenLast weekend after I woke up in the morning, I went through my usual morning ritual of turning on my computer after a cup of coffee and leafing  through my mails and social media feed. It's not surprising to see pictures, videos, website links, memes, etc. go viral over Facebook or Twitter these days and once such ad campaign went viral all over social media since last Friday (6th September). Friends, colleagues, journalists, academicians, feminists and a lot of people I connect with over social media were sharing the link to the 'Save Our Sisters' campaign online.

I am sure by the time one reads this article, most of us have seen the campaign. Apart from the national media, a lot of international media including Huffington Post, the Independent, Buzzfeed etc have carried stories centering around this campaign since yesterday. Popular feminist forums such as Jezebel and A Girl's Guide to Taking Over the World have also lauded it as being a groundbreaking campaign driving home issues related to domestic violence and sex-trafficking.

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Interview with Gowthama Sannah, Propaganda Secretary of the VCK (Part 2)

 

This is the second part of the interview with Gowthama Sannah, Propaganda Secretary of the VCK - Chennai, 26th September 2012 (Please read the first part here)

[This interview was first published in Vol 2, No 1 (2013) issue of 'The South Asianist']

Hugo Gorringe: Just a quick question. Is it right that parties like the RPI never contested on their own symbols but on those of their allies like the DMK or ADMK?

Gowthama Sannah: Yes, in the early stages (in 1952 and 1957 elections) the Republican Party did stand independently on the Elephant symbol, and on same elections period stood in Assembly election with the Commonweal Party on another symbol – the rising sun- which the DMK later inherited. After that as Dalit parties were unable to muster a large enough vote bank to stand alone they were not able to contest on their own symbols. Since their opportunities were so limited – 1 or 2 seats – if they stood with the ADMK they campaigned on the twoleaves, if they stood with the DMK they adopted the rising sun; this is how their movements were suppressed.

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