Wealth in the Bhopal meet

by Chandrabhan Prasad


The Dalits constitute one-fourth of India's population - about 250 million people - equivalent to the combined populations of four European nations (255.10 million): France (58m), UK (58.30m), Germany (81.60m) and Italy (57.20m).


Village deities

Siddalingaiah, a major Kannada poet and activist, was a founder of the Dalit Sangharsh Samiti, which launched a powerful Dalit movement in Karnataka in the mid-1970s. He obtained a doctoral degree from Bangalore University for his research on village deities. His publications include Gramadevathegalu, a study of village deities in Karnataka, Ooru-Keri, an influential autobiography, and collections of poetry, essays and speeches. Twice member of the Karnataka Legislative Council, he is presently Professor at the Centre for Kannada Studies, Bangalore University and Chairperson, Kannada Book Authority.

The following conversation took place with Chandan Gowda in Kannada and has been translated by him into English.


Intro Dalit Poetry in Malayalam

by K M Sherrif 
Dalit poetry as a distinctive mode arrived in Malayalam literature at the end of the
Eighties of the last century. Not that poetry with a distinct Dalit sensibility by Dalit writers was absent in Malayalam literature before that. Pandit Karuppan’s Jathikkummi (Caste Songs) were written in 1904. Karuppan, a Dalit from a fishing community calledDheevaras from Cheranalloor, a village in Ernakulam district, went on to become one ofthe early Dalit poets in the language. Poykayil Yohannan (Apachen) or Kumaraguru whowas an activist and a writer wrote several hymns which proclaimed the ideology of hisPrathyaksha Raksha Daiva Sabha (PRDS), a dissenting sect which had split from the MarThoma Church. His poems have been compiled in a volume titled Ratnamanikal. Thepolitical energy released by early Dalit poet-activists like Karuppan and Poykayil Kumaran seems to have dissipated before the first half of the Twentieth Century ended.What is remarkable about the poetry of these early Dalit poets is the political vigour thatgalvanized it. Readers who are not cognizant with the history of Malayalam literature inthe first half of the Twentieth Century has to be informed that these poets operated at least two decades before Changampuzha wrote Vazhakkula(1936) which was later hailed by the literary establishment as the first poem to protest against the oppression of the Dalit peasants by Savarna landlords. It would take another decade for the Left-leaning Progressive Literary Movement to gain a foothold in Malayalam literature.
Dalit poetry went into an eclipse with the ascendancy of the Progressive Literary
Movement and re-emerged only in the Eighties of the last century. The reasons are
obvious. Caste and gender as determining categories were pushed under the carpet by the Progressive Literary Movement which considered class as the sole basis for discerning social inequality and marginalization. Of course, there was, and still is, a lot of overlap between caste and class. Dalits and Adivasis are the poorest communities in Kerala. But what is often not realized is that the overwhelming majority of Dalits and Adivsis are doubly oppressed due to their class and caste positions. It was also not realized that upward mobility of castes is a slow and excruciating process. The history of postcolonial India shows that the caste hierarchy has changed little in most parts of India and that evenin regions where social changes have created the illusion of its disappearance -Kerala is the most obvious case in point – it continues to exist in disguised forms, becoming muchmore dangerous through such disguises. Mao remarked that it might take a thousand years for a classless society to be established. Given the fact that caste has demonstrated its tenacity through three millenniums, surviving even the massive wave of Budhism thatswept the length and breadth of the country three centuries before the Common Era, onehas to face up to the frightening possibility of having to live with it for another ten thousand years. 


Caste and gender have emerged from hiding as categories to be reckoned with in postmodern and postcolonial discourses. Although formulations about the conflict between classical Marxist positions and postmodern/postcolonial theoretical positions from both sides of the dividing line are still being subjected to skeptical analysis, it is obvious that Dalit studies and gender studies are today witnessing an unprecedented surge of activity, drawing its strength mainly from the former. Although the marginalization of Dalit and feminist discourses in India, especially in Kerala by classical Marxist intelligentsia does justify some of the latter’s anti-Marxist positions, it is far from clear whether an outright theoretical counterpoising of Marxist and Dalit/feminist discourses can be sustained. What are amply clear are the ways in which Left political movements in the country have marginalized both dalits and women in boththeir theory and praxis. This marginalization continues to haunt Dalit writers and poets.It provokes the kind of bitter sarcasm against communist platitudes one finds over andover again in the poetry of Raghavan Atholi, the first poet to emerge in the Renaissanceof Dalit poetry in Malayalam in the Eighties of the last century.


Identity politics has played a major role in the vicissitudes of Dalit writing in many literatures in India. Identity, for instance, has been recurring theme for the major Dalit poets in Gujarati. The question of identity is more often than not addressed from the point of social marginalization. But it can assume a more fundamental form when the Dalits are perceived as a sub-cultural group with its own worldview and lifestyle. Dalit writers and intellectuals are divided on this issue. But most Dalit writers and activists today stridently oppose the cultural stereotyping of Dalits. They rightly point out that such stereotyping would perpetuate the marginalization of Dalits. Narayan the first 
Adivasi writer in Malayalam has emphatically stated that he would prefer Adivasis to

wear shirts-and pants and Saris-and-blouses instead of their traditional dresses. It is alsotrue that the apprehension expressed by Dalit intellectuals recently about the tendency ofSavarna and ‘savarnised’ writers and critics in Kerala to insist that Dalit writers should,for the sake of authenticity, write in their own dialects, or at least in ‘simple Malayalam’,rather than in a highly Sanskritised idiom is also well-founded.

Dalit poets in many Indian literatures have certainly adopted a stridently subversive idiom. It often verges on the scatological or the pornographic. This is particularly noticeable in Tamil Dalit poetry. But one comes across instances in other languages too: Narsingh Ujamba in Gujarati, Raghavan Atholi in Malayalam. This subversive idiom is a feature of all protest poetry. One finds it abundantly in American Beat poets like Ginsberg or Black poets like Amiri Baraka. Ginsberg advised the American establishment to “fuck yourself with your atom bomb” (“America”). Even if itis not desirable to adopt a particularly ‘Dalit language’, it is certainly one of the tasks ofDalit writing to subvert the Brahminic discourse as it is manifest in conventional poetic idiom. Subversion in Dalit poetry occurs at other levels too. In Gujarati Dalit writing, for instance, there is the invocation of a subaltern mythology as a foil to Classical Hindu mythology which has served as the bulwark of caste-hegemony for centuries, effectively disfiguring, assimilating or marginalizing sub-cultures outside the pale of the ‘mainstream’. There is also a quest for a ‘golden age’ when ‘all men lived as equals’ andDalit ideology and culture were the mainstream. This tendency is less visible in Tamil orMalayalam Dalit writing. Although the combat value of the construction of such a mythology in resisting the orchestrated glorification of ‘mainstream culture’ by Hindu  fundamentalists, the invocation of the past is essentially regressive. Letting the dead past bury its dead would be a more effective strategy.
Dalit poetry has also attempted a radical transformation of poetic forms. 
In Gujarati poets like Bipin Gohel and Kisan Sosa have liberated the ghazal from its gilded,pseudo-romantic confines, and revitalized it to express the agony, the ecstasy, the hopesand frustrations of a poetic sensibility tuned in to the struggles of Dalits and other marginalized sections of society. In Malayalam, this transformation is visible in the rejection of the craft and clichés of both modernism and its ‘red tail’ 
(the expression used by Narendraprasad, critic and theatre activist), political modernism.

The poems in this collection present a cross-section of Dalit poetry in Malayalam.The poems of Poykayil Appachen and K K S Das give a diachronic representation to thecollection. Appachen’s poems express the agony, longings and hopes of the exile and themarginalized, much like the book of psalms in the Bible. Das’s poem begins as a lamenton the predicament of the Dalits and ends as a resolve to change it. Kallata Sasi’s poemis an ode to the great messiah of Malayali Dalits, Ayyankali, whom traditional historiography has, to quote the Gujarati Dalit poet Bipin Gohel, tried to ‘stamp out from the walls of time.’ Equally evocative is G Sasi’s homage to Ambedkar “Ambavade” S Joseph’s poems are noted for the detailed portraits of Dalit life he draws. It is remarkable, however, that the disintegration of the family in ‘When We Part’ has none ofthe idle wistfulness of romantic lyrics, of which there have been hundreds in Malayalam.Renukumar’s unique imagery and idiom comes through, even in translation, in “Closed.”The agony of the dispossessed comes through a few cryptic lines in Sajin P J’s “What IHave.” Kaviyur Murali’s “Screw-pine” conducts a postmortem of the history of the Dalits in post-decolonized India using the screw-pine as a metaphor. 

Binu Pallippad’s “Civilization of Love (and Death)” is an unusual poem in which
scenes of oppression and torture unfold like in a cinematic sequence. Kalesh S in “When
the Moon Comes Out” compresses the moonshine of hope into a little child’s eyes.
Raghavan Atholi’s “Where Hunger is Sold” throws stones at the glass houses of opulence
and arrogance from which rises the cacophony of the bidding for the lives of the
wretched. In “Silence”, Johnson Cheeranjira breaks out with a single shout of assertion and relapses into silence again. In his two ‘university poems’, “Children Writing theExam” and ‘University: A Lesson” M B Manoj expresses the haunting realization of aDalit intellectual that he cannot really belong to an academic culture in which he is powerless. Manoj’s third poem in the collection “Children of the Woods conversing with Christ” is rather unusual: It is perhaps one among just a handful of texts in Malayalam literature which articulate the Christian Dalit’s sense of alienation. A K Vasu’s poem “Rocks, Rivers, Machines” in a brilliant flash of imagination draws a comparison between bonded Dalits and machines, Sivadas Purameri’s “Water Lessons” is remarkable for its economy of diction and its politicization of images. Bhasi Arankath’s powerful statement in “Subaltern talking to a Bull” is a shocking reminder that Dalits in many parts of the country are worse off than animals and that, in the poet’s own words, ‘only a tale’ separates them from the latter. The street palmist in Sunny Kavikkad’s “Street Palmist” can only discern the horrifying images that come alive at the end of each line on the palm. K K Sivadas’s “Vegetative Life” is certainly a green poem, but not theconventional environmentalist daydream. It embodies a Dalit vision of ever-renewing,sustainable life.

This selection of Malayalam Dalit poetry in English translation is the first of its
kind. The editor, the translator, the publishers and the Dalit collective which actively
worked for its publication deserve acclamation. I am honoured in being chosen to introduce it to readers.

August 2008.





A Study on Dalit Women Movement in Tamilnadu

by Dr. R. Sivakumar 

Even as we are in the 21st century, caste discrimination, an age- old practice that dehumanizes and perpetuates a cruel form of discrimination continues to be practiced. India where the practice is rampant despite the existence of a legislation to stop this, 160 million Dalits of which 49.96 percentage are women continue to suffer discrimination. The discrimination that Dalit women are subjected to is similar to racial discrimination. Dalit women are thrice discriminated, treated as untouchables and as outcaste, due to their caste, face gender discrimination being women and finally economic impoverishment due to unequal wage disparity, with low or underpaid labour. According to the Manusmiriti, women have no right to education, independence, or wealth. It not only justifies the treatment of dalit women as a sex object and promotes child marriage. Manusmiriti also promoted inequality between men and women. As other parts of country in Tamil Nadu also Dalit women are facing challenges because of their caste and gender discrimination. So, in order to improve and get due respect of Dalit women, the various womenâ??s forum and organization started as Dalit women movement to protect their rights.


Disturbing Aspects of Kerala Society


Gail Omvedt

Arundhati Roy's prize-winning novel, The God of Small Things, focuses on the most socially explosive of all relationships in India, a love affair between a dalit man and a high-caste woman. It ends with the brutal murder of the man by the police, "history's henchmen," and the woman's banishment -- punishments for breaking the caste-based "love laws" that have become so notorious in India today. The events would not be surprising if they were shown as taking place in backward Bihar. But the novel is set in Kerala, the single Indian state that has gained the greatest reputation for progressiveness.

 Yet participants in a February 1998 seminar on dalit studies at the University of Calicut (in what is now known as Kozhikode) assured me that this situation was not so unusual. [1] Roy, they said, should be congratulated for "opening up the subject" of intercaste relations; instead, she was practically boycotted in Kerala itself.

 (I have received newsclippings of similar incidents elsewhere.) To these seminar participants, Kerala, progressive Kerala, was still -- in spite of its history of social reform -- a region of "Nair-Nambudiri dominance." There was a fair amount of admiration for Tipu Sultan, the Muslim fighter against British rule, who had once conquered the Malabar region of Kerala and apparently opposed lower caste subservience to Nair warrior-rulers. The "Mappila revolt" was to them not simply a Muslim or even a regional ("Malabar") revolt, but one of dalits and others in the lower caste who had all been energized by their conversion to Islam. Buddhism was another religion that caught the imagination of some, and most viewed Shree Narayana Guru's movement as simply falling under the hegemony of Hindutva ideology, something that had served the interests of Ezhavas (a lower "backward caste") rather than the true dalits, Pulayas, Cherumans, and others. The seminar was striking to me for another fact, that there were no upper-caste Marxist intellectuals present as there would have been at similar events in Maharashtra, vigorously debating the "caste-class" issue. Instead, the one dalit characterized as a CPI(M)-oriented Marxist was bitterly attacked in a long Malayali dialogue.


Dalit intelligentsia must act responsibly

by Chandrabhan Prasad

During my last visit to Hyderabad, a young Dalit got rather upset with my view that the British rule had helped emancipate the community. So passionate was he that he wouldn't even listen to Karl Marx's views about the positive impact of British rule in India.  Ultimately, when I presented him with details of how the British fought a long drawn out battle with the Varnas to win Dalits their right to education over the second half of the 19th Century, he relented a little.


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