Dalit Upsurge and the Politics of Land – Chalo Thiruvananthapuram!


S. Mrudaladevi

mrudula sasidharanThe invader-friend can write or say anything about despotism, authoritarianism or anarchy experienced by the oppressed. It is part of his cunning effort to mask the exploitation of the subjugated class. When this masked friend warns us of being oppressed by the exploiters, he becomes dearer to the oppressor. In this process, unknowingly, the issues and the language of the oppressed are carried over to the invader-friend. At the same time, the subjugated beings get a certain satisfaction by transferring the power of control over their thoughts and actions to the invader-friend, who becomes the new hero of the oppressed.

The story of the Robinson Crusoe and Man Friday is the best example of this. It is a global phenomenon. In the critical view of the colonization of India in our history books, we see that the British considered the same thing as a 'civilizing' movement carried out by them.

Sitting in a casteless society, Karl Marx wrote in the 'Das Capital' about the inequality of haves and have-nots. Probably because of the experience of living in a casteless society, he had forgotten to write about the caste hierarchy found in caste societies. When the Marxist Doctrine anchored itself in the shores of Kerala, it materialized as land reformation, which aimed to put the Dalits in the so-called "mainstream". The literature as well as films and dramas created after the so- called land reformation portrayed the mild upheaval of the upper class as a catastrophe that had to be avoided, and pointed the accusing finger at Dalits.


My Name is Biryani and I am Not a Terrorist


Shafiullah Anis

shafiullah anisMy favourite Biryani meme on social media says 'I can't make everyone happy, I am not Biryani!!" Biryani has always been associated with happiness and bliss in pop culture, but when Biryani gets associated with terrorism, I have all the reasons to get upset and invoke that cliché Bollywood tag-line in Biryani's defence. Yes, the ubiquitous Biryani needs a defence from the symbolic violence.

It all started during the post 26/11 Mumbai terror-attack judicial proceedings when the public prosecutor, Ujjwal Nikam, claimed that the Pakistani terrorist Ajmal Kasab was fed Chicken Biryani and this was injustice not only to the martyrs but also to tax-paying Indian citizens. Later on, once the case was complete and justice was served, he retracted his statement saying "Kasab never demanded Biryani and was never served by the government. I concocted it just to break an emotional atmosphere which was taking shape in favour of Kasab during the trial of the case (emphasis mine)". By that time, the damage was already done to Biryani's image with its association with terrorism.


Decoding the Spirit of Castes: A review of Pokala Lakshmi Narasu’s ‘A Study of Caste’


Nidhin Shobhana

This book review can be divided into three sections. The first part would briefly try to situate the book and the author in the social and political contexts of Colonial South India (esp. Madras Presidency) in early twentieth century. The second part would discuss the major arguments in the book1. The final section would underline the continuing scope and relevance of Lakshmi Narasu's work in the study of caste and religion.

lakshmi narasu study of caste1

Setting up the Stage: Contextualizing P. Lakshmi Narasu

Pokala Lakshmi Narasu was a pioneer in the Modern Buddhist Movement of Colonial South India. G. Aloysius in the introduction of this book places P. Lakshmi Narasu within the rationalist-Buddhist traditions of Tamil Nadu, along with Iyothee Thasar and M. Sringaravelu. G. Aloysius in another essay2 contextualizes the historical re-working of Buddhism by subaltern intellectuals in Colonial India. He argues that the 'discovery' of Buddhism by British archaeologists and Orientalists in nineteenth century, encouraged subaltern groups to invest in the question of emancipation through modern and rational interpretations of Buddhism. He further points out that Buddhism had a resonance with the 'popular religio-cultural perceptions and practices' of subaltern groups. P. Lakshmi Narasu's life and work should be contextualised within these critical and creative engagements with the question of religion during the colonial period. However, one needs to be mindful that these engagements were not 'homogeneous' or 'monolithic'. For example, Aloysius notes that Lakshmi Narasu attempted to put forth, what he calls – a 'humanist-rational perspective' on Buddhism. On the other hand, Iyothee Thasar contextualised Buddhism in the Tamil-Dravidian traditions in clear opposition to Vedic traditions. While M. Sringaravelu influenced by the communist movements in the West was inclined to receive Buddha as an atheist. Similarly, one finds different approaches to Buddha in the works of Sahodaran Ayyapan, Periyar and Ambedkar.


Soni Sori: 'The State is Lawless'


Soni Sori, a human rights defender and an Adivasi school teacher from Chhattisgarh, was in Mumbai recently to talk at an event organized to commemorate Justice (retired) Suresh Hosbet's 25 years of contribution to human rights struggle in India post his retirement. This event was orgainsed by Majlis, a women's rights organization in collaboration with Human Rights Law Network (HRLN), Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS) and People's Watch. Sori, who has endured serious custodial torture for nearly two years, spoke at length about her experience working for her community in Bastar.

soni sori

Following is the translated transcript of her speech delivered on October 1 in Mumbai:

My warm regards to everyone gathered here. I am extremely happy to be present before you all for such an important event commemorating Justice Suresh's 25 years in activism. His contribution is commendable, both as a judge and as an activist. Justice Suresh had recently travelled to Chhattisgarh. I was informed by one of the fellow activists about his visit. I did not know about Justice Suresh then. Even when I was told he is a senior person, I thought of him as several other activists and human rights lawyers who travel from cities to support our cause. But when I saw him in Bastar, I was completely astounded that a man at such a ripe age wants to still travel to remote corners of the country to defend their rights. Although, he had managed to reach Bastar, I was not sure if he could take the travel ahead to those inaccessible villages in the region. When I suggested he should take it easy and not venture to far off villages, he promptly replied, "I have travelled all the way to just examine the condition of Adivasi communities in this region, I will travel ahead." I in fact even tried to warn him of the possibility of long walks that he would have to undertake to reach some villages. He was very willing and asked me to not sweat over his travel. We went to one of the remotest villages which involved both travelling in a vehicle on the rickety road and then covering a long stretch on foot. But, no where did he appear tired. He was zealous and wanted to meet as many villagers as he could. When people got to know a retired judge had travelled from Mumbai to hear them out, they got hopeful. Villagers gathered in large numbers to talk to him and put forth their grievances. Justice Suresh patiently listened to each and every person gathered. He took note of every complaint made and patiently tried to address them one by one. His visit not only inspired people in general, but also helped some of them to take immediate steps.


B R Bhaskar on Chalo Udupi: My Food, My Land


B. R. Bhaskar Prasad was interviewed by Palani Samy and Nidhin Sowjanya for Dalit Camera before the Chalo Udupi rally. The text was translated from Kannada by Savitha Rajamani, Vinod Pushparaj, Chinnamma and Anusha Suresh. The interview was videographed by Karthik Ranganathan

B. R. Bhaskar Prasad is a Dalit writer and activist from Nelamangala taluk, Bengaluru, and one of the main organizers behind the "Chalo Udupi" campaign.



bhaskarInspired by the Una movement, more than 160 organizations came together for the "Chalo Udupi – Food, My Choice; Land, My Right" campaign on Oct 9th. Dalit Camera (DC) spoke to B. R. Bhaskar Prasad, a Dalit writer and activist from Nelamangala taluk, Bengaluru, and one of the main organizers behind the "Chalo Udupi" campaign.

In the first part of the three-part interview, Bhaskar Prasad talks about the Una movement, the continuing atrocities on Dalits in Karnataka, the politics of beef in India and also in detail about the Chalo Udupi campaign.

Part 1

Introduction about yourself

I am B. R. Bhaskar Prasad. I live in Bangalore's rural district, Nelamangala Taluk, Karnataka. In the past I served as state president of "Karnataka Dalita Sanghatanegala Okkuta" (Karnataka Dalit Organisations Association) forum. I currently work with "Babasaheb Service Force" youth cadre.


Savarna Christian contributions to 'Hindu' Nationalism: The example of Srambickal Kuruvilla George


Nidhin Shobhana

n shobhana(Paper presented at the India International Islamic Academic Conference held on 8-9 October, 2016, at the India Islamic Cultural Centre, New Delhi.) 

Abstract: By late 19th century and early 20th century, one finds the emergence of an 'upper-caste' Christian public sphere comprised of theologians who identified themselves with the values of 'Hindu' and 'Hindu Nationalism'. For example, Brahmabandhav Upadhyaya from Bengal formulated a 'Hindu-Catholic faith' based on 'Advaitic philosophical theology and an idealized version of caste system'. One finds similar attempts in Colonial South India. The works of Gandhian Srambickal Kuruvilla George, a CMS theologian is one such example.

In this paper, I would present a sociological analysis of S.K. George's book 'Gandhi's Challenge to Christianity' published in late 1940s. In this book, George not only captures the essence of Gandhi's critique but also presents a blueprint of how religious minorities (Christians) should discipline their aspirations and faith, almost fanatically in accordance with Brahmanic Hinduism. Such a sociological exercise is relevant for two reasons. Firstly, it would help us discern the fault lines in Savarna Christian analysis of Indian society. Secondly, it would contribute to the body of literature which exposes the camaraderie between Savarnas across religion, essentially united in the task of preserving their privileges.


Remembering Bitter Truths on the way to Udupi


Dr C S Dwarakanath

diwakarnathJignesh Mevani, a young dalit leader who has inspired many across the country with his protests against the flogging of Dalits in Una, Gujarat, along with Lolaksha, a dalit intellectual from Karnataka and myself were travelling from Mangalore Airport to Udupi for the valedictory event of the Udupi Chalo Rally which was inspired by the Una protests. Jignesh was speaking enthusiastically, matching his youth. He told us about the helplessness of the 6.9% dalits in Gujarat and the policies against them by the state and Central BJP Government. I was impressed with Jignesh's preparation before his visit to Karnataka as he was aware of atrocities on Dalits, Muslims and Bahujans by the Bajrang Dal, Sangh Parivar and other 'cow terrorists' in Dakshina Kannada, Udupi and Chickmagalur. My respect grew for this young lad for his commitment to Dalit identity at a time when so-called Dalit leaders, who have lost self-respect, are joining Manuvadi parties.

"You have raised your voice against the BJP who are the ruling party in both the Central Government and in the state of Gujarat. The atrocities on Dalits, Muslims and Bahujans in Karnataka state is done by the people of Sangh Parivar but the Congress Government is in power here. Law and order is the responsibility of the state Government, so who will you speak against if the Government here is not controlling the atrocities satisfactorily and thereby, indirectly, helping the Sangh Parivar?'' I asked Jignesh. He started thinking about this.


Parched and Feminism: Are All Women's Stories the Same?


Asha Singh

asha singh 1In the past few days, I have noticed that a few of my Dalit-Bahujan friends are engaged in an uncritical celebration of Leena Yadav's feature film titled 'Parched'. I would like to talk about Parched, based on the content of the film and the interview of the Director conducted by National Dastak.i

The film tries to tell us stories of three supposedly unmarked 'rural women' named 'Lajjo', 'Bijli' and 'Rani'. Lajjo is childless, Rani is a widow and Bijli is a dancer and sex worker.

Leena Yadav in her interview points out that the idea for her film can be traced back to Tannishtha Chatterjee's experience of acting in the feature film titled 'Road movie'. In this film, Tannishtha found out that 'rural women' have frank conversations on sex. Leena tries to capture this 'characteristic' of rural women through Parched.

Further, she adds that the lives of these unmarked 'rural women' are similar (even identical) to her own life. In fact, she claims that her non-Indian friends residing in UK and London also have similar stories. In short, undifferentiated rural and urban women across the globe face patriarchy in similar terms, according to the filmmaker.


Is one sufficiently patriotic only if one is a Hindu cow-vigilante?


Vinod Kumar

vinod kumar jnuHindutva cultural nationalism is at its peak today. So the day is not far when India becomes a country like Hitler's Germany or Mussolini's Italy. We have all witnessed how the cow-vigilantes are promoted by the VHP, RSS and its political outfit, the BJP. People from oppressed communities across the country are being butchered, lynched, tortured and harassed, apparently for consuming or selling beef. A few months ago, four Dalits were beaten up by cow-vigilantes in Una town of Gujarat. Out of political compulsion, Prime Minister Narendra Modi shed crocodile tears, saying things like "Shoot me but don't target Dalits" and "Cow-vigilantes are doing business in the name of cow protection". Later, he was criticized for these statements by people like Pravin Togadia. Togadia claimed that cow-vigilantes sacrificed their life for cow protection while Modi never cared about it. After this, Modi did not give out a single statement regarding the Una issue. Of course, by their very nature, Indian society and culture have been suppressive and have oppressed certain communities for centuries, but in today's so-called independent and democratic India, they operate in very sophisticated ways.

Cow-vigilantes are working very strategically in Muslim and Dalit localities. For instance, in Delhi, some institutions associated with Sangh Parivar can be found near the Qutb Minar, and the walls are replete with slogans like, "Gaay Hamari Mata Hai, Isko Rashtriya Pashu Banana Hai". Near Jama Mosque, a BMS (Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh) office can be seen, surrounded by many temples. In this way, some or the other kind of surveillance by the Sangh Parivar can be found in almost all Muslim and Dalit localities. Sanghis are playing multiple roles; working everywhere as militia and as agents of the intelligentsia in different forms against the oppressed of the country.


India, That is Bharat!


Adv. Mahendra Jadhav

adv mahendra jadhav1When the BJP government came to power in the name of 'Development' and 'Vikas', we all believed that the dark phase of scams and corruption of the Congress government would fade away, thanks to the glorious statements of the so-called 'modern statesman of the century'! As a common man, I too felt that as a party, the BJP should be given a fair chance, since the democratic nature of our Constitution speaks about a change in the government every five years. But regrettably, except controversies, we Indians have not seen any promises of development being fulfilled. Every day, new issues, communal tensions, caste killings, lynching innocent people for eating/carrying a certain food with them, religious abhorrence, religious impositions/sanctions on the oppressed classes and minorities have become the norm of the day. Nationalism and patriotism are being defined in a way as to facilitate certain ideologies. Students are being killed, scholars are threatened and thinkers are abused and killed in broad daylight. It's not that these confrontations were not happening during the past government - atrocities on oppressed people and minorities have been happening since centuries - but the way in which these atrocities have become unbridled and open in the last two years has raised apprehensions as to where this great nation is heading!

We have seen several social, educational, political and ideological controversies in the past few months such as Pune's FTII students' issue, IIT Madras issue, Mohammed Akhlakh's lynching in UP, Rohith Vemula's suicide case in Hyderabad Central University which rocked the nation, Kanhaiya Kumar issue at JNU, Jadavpur University, Una lynching and many more. In all these, we have seen the rise of 'Nationalists/Patriots' all of a sudden. It is fine to love and respect our country and also feel a duty to protect its dignity as enshrined under Article.51A (a to k) in part IVA of the Constitution of India. However, it does not mean that someone should impose their pseudo-nationalist feelings on others by force and undue influence, just for the sake of the fake feeling that one is more nationalist than others. As common people, we love our country and we do not need to be certified by anyone!


फिल्म पार्च्ड और स्त्रीवाद: क्या सब औरतों की कहानी एक है?


 आशा सिंह

asha singh 1कई दिनों से देख रही हूँ कि हमारे दलित-बहुजन साथी लीना यादव की फिल्म Parched की तारीफ कर रहे हैं  मेरे इस आलेख का आधार इस फिल्म की विषयवस्तु और इसके निर्देशक का साक्षात्कार है (देखें National Dastak, You Tube)i

फिल्म लज्जो, बिजली, रानी नामक तीन तथाकथित 'ग्रामीण' महिला किरदारों की कहानी है लज्जो 'बाँझ' है, रानी 'विधवा' है और बिजली 'डांसर व सेक्स वर्कर' है लीना यादव कहती हैं कि उन्हें इस फिल्म को बनाने का आईडिया तन्निष्ठा चटर्जी की 'रोड मूवी' के अनुभव से आता है, जहाँ उन्होंने पाया कि गाँव की महिलाएं सेक्स पर खुल कर बात करती हैं लीना 'रूरल वीमेन' की ये 'ख़ासियत' अपनी फिल्म के माध्यम से दुनिया के सामने लाना चाहती हैं वे ये भी कहती हैं कि 'गाँव' की महिलाओं की ज़िन्दगी और उनकी ख़ुद की ज़िन्दगी की कहानी एक जैसी है यहाँ तक कि उन्होंने 'रूरल वीमेन' की कहानी को अपने विदेशी मित्रों को भेजा और लन्दन व न्यूयॉर्क में भी ऐसी ही कहानियां पाई गयीं लब्बोलुआब यह कि पितृसत्ता की मार दुनिया भर की औरतें (शहरी और ग्रामीण) समान रूप से झेलती हैं


ಅಪರಾಧಿ ಗುರುತಿನ ಪೊರೆ ಕಳಚುತ್ತಿರುವ ಗಂಟಿಚೋರರು


ಡಾ. ಅರುಣ್ ಜೋಳದಕೂಡ್ಲಿಗಿ (Dr Arun Joladkudligi)

ಈಚೆಗೆ ನಾನು ಕೈಗೊಂಡ ಸಂಶೋಧನಾ ಕೃತಿ 'ಗಂಟಿಚೋರ ಸಮುದಾಯ' ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಡಾ.ಬಿ.ಆರ್.ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಸಂಶೋಧನ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಯಿಂದ ಪ್ರಕಟವಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಈ ಸಂಶೋಧನೆಯ ಸಂಕ್ಷಿಪ್ತ ಫಲಿತಗಳನ್ನು ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಹಂಚಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಪ್ರಯತ್ನಿಸುವೆ.

ಸ್ವತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಬಂದು 69 ವರ್ಷವಾದರೂ ಕೆಲವು ಚಿಕ್ಕಪುಟ್ಟ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ಸಮಗ್ರ ಮಾಹಿತಿ ಅಲಭ್ಯವಾಗಿದೆ. ಹೀಗೆ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ಸರಿಯಾದ ಮಾಹಿತಿಗಳೇ ಅಲಭ್ಯವಾದಾಗ ಸರಕಾರ ಅಥವಾ ಪ್ರಭುತ್ವಗಳು ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳುವ ಜನಕಲ್ಯಾಣದ ಯೋಜನೆಗಳು ದಿಕ್ಕು ತಪ್ಪುವ ಸಾಧ್ಯತೆ ಇರುತ್ತದೆ. ಇಂದು ಬದಲಾದ ಕಾಲಘಟ್ಟದ ಸೆಳೆತಕ್ಕೆ ಸಿಕ್ಕಿ ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳು ತಬ್ಬಲಿತನವನ್ನು ಅನುಭವಿಸುತ್ತಾ ಅನಾಥ ಪ್ರಜ್ಞೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬದುಕುತ್ತಿವೆ. ಇಂತಹ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳು ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವದ ಬಗೆಗೆ ಭರವಸೆ ಇಲ್ಲದೆ ತಮ್ಮ ಪಾಡಿನ ಬದುಕೇ ನಿಜವೇನೋ ಎನ್ನುವ ಸ್ಥಿತಿಗೂ ಬಂದಿವೆ. ಹಾಗಾಗಿ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ಅಧ್ಯಯನ ಪರೋಕ್ಷವಾಗಿ ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯ ಬಗೆಗೆ ಜನರಲ್ಲಿ ಹೊಸ ಭರವಸೆ ಮೂಡಿಸುವ ಭಾಗವೂ ಆಗಿದೆ.


(ಬಾಗಲಕೋಟೆ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಮಹಾಲಿಂಗಪುರದ ಬಳಿ ಹೊಲದಲ್ಲಿ ವಾಸವಾಗಿರುವ ಗಂಟಿಚೋರ ಸಮುದಾಯದ ಕುಟುಂಬದ ಚಿತ್ರ.)

ಈ ಹಿನ್ನೆಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಇಂತಹ ತಬ್ಬಲಿ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ಆತ್ಮವಿಶ್ವಾಸವನ್ನು ಹೆಚ್ಚಿಸುವ ಮತ್ತು ಅವರಲ್ಲಿ ಹೊಸ ಚೈತನ್ಯವನ್ನು ತುಂಬುವಂತೆ ಸಮುದಾಯ ಅಧ್ಯಯನಗಳು ನಡೆಯಬೇಕಾಗಿದೆ. ಅಂತೆಯೇ ನಾವು ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳನ್ನು ಎದುರಾಗುವಾಗ ಹುಟ್ಟುವ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳೂ ಬದಲಾಗಿದೆ. ಆಧುನಿಕ ಶ್ರೇಣೀಕರಣದ ತರತಮದ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಪುರಕವಾಗಿ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳಲ್ಲೂ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಆರ್ಥಿಕ ಶೈಕ್ಷಣಿಕ ಸ್ಥಿತಿಗತಿಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಹಲಬಗೆಯ ಏರಿಳಿತಗಳು ಸಂಭವಿಸಿದೆ. ಹಾಗಾಗಿ ಇಂದು ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳನ್ನು ಅಧ್ಯಯನ ಮಾಡುವವರು ಅವನ್ನು ಏಕರೂಪಿ ಆಕೃತಿಯನ್ನಾಗಿ ನೋಡುವಂತಿಲ್ಲ. ಯಾವೊಂದು ಸಂಗತಿಯನ್ನು ಇಡೀ ಸಮುದಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ಅನ್ವಯಿಸಿ ದುಂಡಾಗಿ ಗ್ರಹಿಸುವಂತಿಲ್ಲ.


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Sunday, 02 October 2016
  Dhurwa R. Anand Patwardhan’s Jai Bhim Comrade is one of the best examples of how brahminical powerplay makes a farce out of the most hard fought battles put up by Dalits, and does that... Read More...
Some Innocent Questions for Maratha Brothers and Sisters
Monday, 03 October 2016
  Pruthviraj Rama Gorakh On the 13th of July, an incident of brutal rape and murder took place in Kopardi village of Ahmadnagar district in Maharashtra, and shook up the state socio-politically.... Read More...
Vegetarians only
Wednesday, 12 October 2016
  Sky Baaba He sat on a throneand made my Dalits sit on the groundtold my Adivasis to stay at his feetwe folded our hands and stood,bringing palms together was all he ever taught my... Read More...
ಭಾರತದ ಮೊದಲ ಮಹಿಳಾ ಶಿಕ್ಷಕಿ ಮಾತೆ ಸಾವಿತ್ರಿಬಾಯಿ ಫುಲೆ
Thursday, 29 September 2016
  ಸವಿತಾ ಹೊಸಮನಿ (Savita Hosamani)   ಭಾರತದ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯಲ್ಲಿ...

Recent Articles in Hindi

पेरियार से हम क्या सीखें?

पेरियार से हम क्या सीखें?

  संजय जोठे  इस देश में भेदभाव और शोषण से भरी परम्पराओं का विरोध करने वाले अनेक विचारक और क्रांतिकारी हुए हैं जिनके बारे में हमें बार-बार पढ़ना और समझना चाहिए. दुर्भाग्य से इस देश के शोषक वर्गों के षड्यंत्र के कारण इन क्रांतिकारियों का जीवन परिचय और समग्र कर्तृत्व छुपाकर रखा जाता है. हमारी अनेकों पीढियां इसी षड्यंत्र में जीती आयीं हैं. किसी देश के उद्भट विचारकों और क्रान्तिकारियों को इस...

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कृष्ण: भारतीय मर्द का एक आम चेहरा...!

कृष्ण: भारतीय मर्द का एक आम चेहरा...!

(कृष्ण की लोक लुभावन छवि का पुनर्पाठ!)मानुषी आखिर ये मिथकीय कहानियां किस तरह की परवरिश और शिक्षा देती हैं, जहां पुरुषों को सारे अधिकार हैं, चाहे वह स्त्री को अपमानित करे या दंडित, उसे स्त्री पलट कर कुछ नहीं कहती। फिर आज हम रोना रोते हैं कि हमारे बच्चे इतने हिंसक और कुंठित क्यों हो रहे हैं। सारा दोष हम इंटरनेट और टेलीविजन को देकर मुक्त होना चाहते हैं। जबकि स्त्री...

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राष्ट्रवाद और देशभक्ति

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संजय जोठे धर्म जो काम शास्त्र लिखकर करता है वही काम राष्ट्र अब फ़िल्में और विडिओ गेम्स बनाकर बनाकर करते हैं. इसी के साथ सुविधाभोगी पीढ़ी को मौत से बचाने के लिए टेक्नालाजी पर भयानक खर्च भी करना पड़ता है ताकि दूर बैठकर ही देशों का सफाया किया जा सके, और यही असल में उस तथाकथित “स्पेस रिसर्च” और “अक्षय ऊर्जा की खोज” की मूल प्रेरणा है, यूं तो सबको...

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