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ಬಾಣಭಟ್ಟನಿಗೊಂದು ಚಿತ್ರ

ಬಾಣಭಟ್ಟನಿಗೊಂದು ಚಿತ್ರ

ಅನು ರಾಮದಾಸ್ 

ikon

 ಹಿಂದೊಮ್ಮೆ, ನಾನು ಶೂದ್ರ ಸಂತ-ಕವಿ ಸರಲದಾಸ ಬರೆದ ಒರಿಯಾ ಮಹಾಭಾರತದ ಅನುವಾದವನ್ನು ಹುಡುಕುತ್ತಿದ್ದೆ. ಸರಲ ಅವರ ಗಂಗಾ ಕೇಂದ್ರದಲ್ಲಿಟ್ಟು ಆಯ್ದ ಭಾಗವನ್ನು ಶೇರ್ಡ್ ಮಿರರ್ ನಲ್ಲಿ ಪೋಸ್ಟ್ ಮಾಡಲು ನಾನು ಉತ್ಸುಕನಾಗಿದ್ದೆ, ಹೀಗೆ ನಾನು ಗ್ರಂಥಾಲಯ ಮತ್ತು ಅಂತರ್ಜಾಲ ಹುಡುಕಾಟಗಳನ್ನು ಸಂಯೋಜಿಸುವಲ್ಲಿ ನಿರತನಾಗಿದ್ದಾಗ ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣ ಕವಿ ಬಾಣ ಭಟ್ಟನು ಬರೆದ ಕವಿತೆಯೊಂದರಿಂದ ದಾರಿ ತಪ್ಪಿದೆ.

ನಾನೀಗ ಈ ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣ ಕವಿಯೊಂದಿಗೆ ಪ್ರೀತಿಯಿಂದಿದ್ದೇನೆ.

ಇಲ್ಲ, ನಿಜವಾಗಿಯೂ ಅಲ್ಲ, ಬೇಸರವಂತೂ ಖಂಡಿತ ಆಗಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ, ಸಾಮಾನ್ಯವಾಗಿ ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣ / ಮುಖ್ಯವಾಹಿನಿಯ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ನಾನು ಓದುವಾಗ ಆದಂತೆ. ಕವಿತೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಜಾತಿಯ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಯಾವುದೇ ಉಲ್ಲೇಖವಿಲ್ಲದಿದ್ದರೂ, ಅದು ಬಹಳಷ್ಟು ಆಕರ್ಷಕವಾಗಿದೆ. ವಸಾಹತುಶಾಹಿಯ ಭಯ ಮತ್ತು ಆತಂಕವನ್ನು ಸುಂದರವಾಗಿ ಬೆಳಗಿಸುವ, ಕೆಲವೇ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯಕ ಸಾಲುಗಳಿಂದ ಮೂಲ ನಿವಾಸಿಗಳ ರಾಕ್ಷಸೀಕರಣಕ್ಕೆ ನೀಲನಕ್ಷೆಯನ್ನು ತಯಾರು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾನೆ ; ಅವರ ವಂಶಸ್ಥರಿಗೆ ನಿರಂತರವಾಗಿ ಉತ್ತಮ ಪಡಿಸಲು ಒಂದು ಪಠ್ಯ ಸಾಧನ. ಏಕೆಂದರೆ, ವಸಾಹತುಶಾಹಿ ಎಂದರೆ ವಸಾಹತುಗೊಂಡವರ ಅಳಿವು ಎಂದರ್ಥವಲ್ಲ , ಇದರ ಅರ್ಥವೇನೆಂದರೆ, ಮೂಲ ನಿವಾಸಿಗಳು 'ಬೇರೆಯವರು ' ಎಂಬ ಸ್ಥಿರ ಸ್ಥಿತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಉಳಿಯುವ ಸಂಕೀರ್ಣ ವ್ಯವಹಾರ. ಮತ್ತು ಜಾತಿ ಎಂದರೆ ಬೇರೆಯವರ ಬಗ್ಗೆ, ಅಲ್ಲವೇ?

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Jeyaraj, Bennix case and the RSS in Tamil Nadu

 

Radhika Sudhakar

The Jeyaraj, Bennix case is not the first gruesome custodial murder case in Tamil Nadu, this state has a long history and a terrible record, just as every other state in India.

jeyaraj bennix

The gruesome torture and murder of the father and son by the police attached to the Sattankulam police station and higher officials in Tuticorin district between 19 and 22 June was one of administrative lapses and police excesses. However, the Sattankulam murder will be the first one showing some sort of direct links to the BJP which empowered the police to become extremely brutal there, also exposing an exponentially growing compliance with the RSS in Tamil Nadu from the administration and in police ranks thanks to BJP brought to power in union government by the north Indian States. The case is now under CBI.

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COVID-19 and the failures of India’s healthcare system

 

Dr Manisha Bangar

manisha bangar(Round Table India has been hosting a series of online talks by activists and thinkers on issues of importance to the Bahujan. This is the transcript of Dr Manisha Bangar's talk on July 25th, 2020)

Thank you so much for inviting me to give this very important talk, 'COVID-19 and the failures of India's healthcare system'.

It is a huge topic, and involves two topics, one is COVID-19, which in itself is a huge saga, which started in Feb 2020 and we have almost 4-5 months down the line. And we have seen how the healthcare system has unfolded itself, from the perspective of healthcare workers as well as from the consumers' point of view, that is the citizens of the country. We have also seen how these two major stakeholders were treated by the governments, whether central or state government. In between, somewhere, are people like us, who are evaluating what we have undergone in all these months and what went wrong where.

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Religion and other aspects of Feminism


Mook Nayak 2.0

Preliminary Observations

A lot of debates are going on about Feminism, its origin and its ideals etc. It is said that the main objective of feminism is to promote equality between the sexes. For a moment, let’s leave the counter arguments made on feminism (1) and look at one profound link which has not received proper attention, namely the link between Feminism and Religion.

Religion and Ideals

Firstly, there is no single accepted definition of religion and what it means, so I use the term religion to only mean “the ideal(s) it sanctions to govern the terms of association between members of a society”

Do religion and its ideals have any significance in our daily life? Speaking about the significance of religion, Babasaheb Ambedkar said:

“Religion as a social force cannot be ignored. Religion has been aptly described by Hebert Spencer as ‘the weft which everywhere crosses the warp of history’. This is true of every Society…Religion stands for a scheme of divine governance. The scheme becomes an ideal for society to follow. The ideal may be non-existent in the sense that it is something which is constructed. But although non-existent, it is real. For an ideal it has full operative force which is inherent in every ideal” (2)

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When Chiranjeevi cannot sanitise 'Aaj ka Goonda Raaj'

 

Amarnath Sandipamu

In 1991, Chiranjeevi acted in a film called Gang Leader. The summer release was a box office sensation in Telugu cinema. Within a year, it got remade in Hindi as Aaj ka Goonda Raaj. Almost three decades later, in 2020, the film and its star seem more relevant than ever before. Despite having faint memories of movies I had seen before this one, Gang Leader was the film that woke me up to storytelling, capacity of entertainment and film form.

Recently, a series of unusual events triggered a contemplation that made me revisit my childhood, memories fascinated by cinema and my practice as a filmmaker today. It mirrored certain harsh truths about life that, over time, many of us may have accepted as normal state of affairs. For me, due to my love for Chiranjeevi and moving images, it shook things closer to home. Let me share how.

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ಪಿತೃಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ, ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದ ಮತ್ತು ಬಹುಜನ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು

ಪಿತೃಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ, ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದ ಮತ್ತು ಬಹುಜನ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು

ಜೂಪಕ ಸುಬದ್ರ

ನಾನು ಇಂದು ಮಾತನಾಡಲಿರುವ ವಿಷಯ ‘ಪಿತೃಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ, ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದ ಮತ್ತು ಬಹುಜನ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು’. ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದವು ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದಿಗಳ ಪ್ರಕಾರ,  ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು ಮತ್ತು ಪುರುಷರ ನಡುವಿನ ಸಮಾನತೆಗಾಗಿ. ಅವರು ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ, ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು ಒಂದೇ, ನಮ್ಮ ನಡುವೆ ಯಾವುದೇ ವ್ಯತ್ಯಾಸಗಳಿಲ್ಲ, ಗೋಡೆಗಳಿಲ್ಲ. ನಾವೆಲ್ಲರೂ ಪಿತೃಪ್ರಭುತ್ವವನ್ನು ಎದುರಿಸುತ್ತೇವೆ. ಆ ಪಿತೃಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ ಎಲ್ಲರಿಗೂ ಒಂದೇ. ಬಹುಜನ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು, ಎಂಬಿಸಿ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು, ಆದಿವಾಸಿ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು, ದಲಿತ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು ಇದನ್ನು ಒಪ್ಪುವುದಿಲ್ಲ. ಏಕೆಂದರೆ ಅವರ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆಗಳು ಒಂದೇ ಆಗಿರುವುದಿಲ್ಲ. ಈ ಜಾತಿ ಮತ್ತು ಬುಡಕಟ್ಟುಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಪಿತೃಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ ಒಂದೇ ಅಲ್ಲ. ಇದು ವಿವಿಧ ರೀತಿಯದ್ದಾಗಿದೆ. ಅವರ ಪಿತೃಪ್ರಭುತ್ವವು ನಮ್ಮಿಂದ ಭಿನ್ನವಾಗಿದೆ. ಅವರು ಶ್ರಮ ಜೀವನದ  ಹೊರಗೆ ಅಸ್ತಿತ್ವದಲ್ಲಿದ್ದಾರೆ, ನಾವು ಶ್ರಮ ಜೀವನದ ಒಳಗೆ ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತೇವೆ.

joopaka subadra-300x300ನೀವು ಪುರುಷ-ಮಹಿಳೆ ಸಮಾನತೆಯ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಮಾತನಾಡಿದರೆ, ಜಾತಿ ವಿನಾಶವಿಲ್ಲದೆ ಅದು ಹೇಗೆ ಸಾಧ್ಯ? ಪುರುಷ-ಮಹಿಳೆ ಸಮಾನತೆ, ಇತರ ಶ್ರೇಣಿಕರಣಗಳ ಕಣ್ಮರೆ ಜಾತಿ ವಿನಾಶ  ಆದಾಗ ಮಾತ್ರ ಸಾಧ್ಯವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. . ಆದರೆ ನೀವು ಪುರುಷರು ಮತ್ತು ಮಹಿಳೆಯರ ನಡುವಿನ ಸಮಾನತೆಯ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ಮಾತನಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೆ, ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆ ಉದ್ಭವಿಸುತ್ತದೆ: ನೀವು ಯಾವ ಪುರುಷರು ಮತ್ತು ಯಾವ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಮಾತನಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದೀರಿ? ಕಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಶಕ್ತಿಗಳಾಗಿ (ದಲಿತ, ಆದಿವಾಸಿ, ಎಂಬಿಸಿ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರು) ಶ್ರಮಿಸುವ,  ಬೆವರಿನ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರಾದ ನಾವು ಸಮಾನ ಸಂಬಂಧದಲ್ಲಿದ್ದೇವೆ.

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Caste tag

 

Pramod Sagar

pramodsEach one of us carries some identity; identity is something that bears a close similarity to who or what a person is. This concept of identity might be improper to use the problem is not with the identity, but the label which is attached to a person which is also commonly called a tag. Remember identity keeps on changing and it is based on the rationale of the person, but the tag is just a label that has no real connotation and is based merely on the prejudices of a person. A tag is a mark of whether you have a quality or not, in a simple way TAG is the BRAND that makes qualitative and valuable differences even with no other, intrinsic quality to influence or attract others. In this regard, someone saying Tag is the symbol of quality of its own name. This is absolutely right and of no doubt in the case of products which we are made, used, bought and sold. When we talk about the social system in India we can see the tag in the form of Casteism. Some use the caste tag to show and assert their superiority and domination.

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ಶೂದ್ರರು ಎಲ್ಲಿದ್ದಾರೆ..?

 

ಕಾಂಚಾ ಐಲಯ್ಯ ಶೆಪರ್ಡ್ 

ಕನ್ನಡಕ್ಕೆ: ಮಂಜುನಾಥ ನರಗುಂದ

1990 ರ ಆರಂಭದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಮಂಡಲ್ ಆಯೋಗದ ಶಿಫಾರಸ್ಸುಗಳನ್ನು ಜಾರಿಗೆ ತಂದಿದ್ದು ನಿಜಕ್ಕೂ ಶೂದ್ರರಿಗೆ ಒಂದು ಮಹತ್ವದ ಕ್ಷಣವೆನ್ನಬಹುದು. ಈ ಕ್ರಮವು ವಿಶೇಷವಾಗಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರಿ ಉದ್ಯೋಗ ಮತ್ತು ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ಉನ್ನತ ಶಿಕ್ಷಣದಲ್ಲಿ ಮೀಸಲು ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಇತರ ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ವರ್ಗಗಳಿಗೆ ನೀಡುತ್ತದೆ. ಈ ವರ್ಗವು ಬಹುತೇಕವಾಗಿ ಸಮಾಜದಲ್ಲಿನ ದುರ್ಬಲ ಶೂದ್ರ ಜಾತಿಗಳನ್ನು ಮತ್ತು ಈ ಹಿಂದಿನಿಂದಲೂ ಕೂಲಿ ಕಾರ್ಮಿಕರು, ಕರಕುಶಲ ಕೆಲಸಗಳನ್ನು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾ ಬಂದಿರುವ ಜನರನ್ನು ಒಳಗೊಂಡಿದೆ. ಮಂಡಲ್ ಆಯೋಗವು ತನ್ನ ವರದಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಮುಖವಾಗಿ ವೈದಿಕ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯಲ್ಲಿನ ಕೊನೆಯ ಚಾತುರ್ವರ್ಣ ಶ್ರೇಣಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬರುವ ಜಾತಿಗಳನ್ನು ಗುರುತಿಸಿತು. ಈ ಎಲ್ಲ ಜಾತಿ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳು ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ, ಆರ್ಥಿಕ ಮತ್ತು ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ಹೀಗೆ ಬಹು ಸ್ಥರದಲ್ಲಿ ಇತರ ಉನ್ನತ ಜಾತಿಗಳಿಗಿಂತ ಹಿಂದುಳಿದಿವೆ. ಇವು ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರದ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ ದಲಿತರು ಮತ್ತು ಆದಿವಾಸಿಗಳಿಗಾಗಿ ರೂಪಿತಗೊಂಡಂತಹ ಮೀಸಲಾತಿ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯಿಂದ ಹೊರಗುಳಿದಿದ್ದವು. ಆದರೆ ಕಾಲಾಂತರದಲ್ಲಿ ವಿವಿಧ ಜಾತಿ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳನ್ನೊಳಗೊಂಡ ಪ್ರತ್ಯೇಕ ವರ್ಗದ ಮೀಸಲಾತಿಯನ್ನು ಅವರ ಹಿಂದುಳಿದಿರುವಿಕೆ ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಹಿನ್ನಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಗುರುತಿಸಲು ಆಯೋಗವನ್ನು ರಚಿಸಲಾಯಿತು.

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Discipline and Punish: A History of Impalement in Kerala and Tamil Nadu

 

Umar Nizar

umarThe brutal murder of P. Jeyaraj and his son Beniks in police custody in Sathankulam in Tamil Nadu invokes the Nirbhaya case in its brutality, the only difference in this case being that the perpetrators were policemen. The atrocious and horrific nature of the torture and the brutalities inflicted upon the victims have terrorized most people into a subdued silence. Such psychotic violence goes beyond the pathology of sadistic policemen and has its roots in historic caste and gender based violence. The historical memory of such brutalities goes far back into the ancient past of southern India, refuting received notions of progressivism as well as those of a glorious golden age.

Insertion of stakes and such implements into bodily orifices (impalement) was historically practised in Kerala and Tamil Nadu as an extreme form of punishment. The public nature of the execution and its almost demoniacal violation of the human corpus, were oriented towards scalding the collective psyche of that community upon which it was inflicted. PK Balakrishnan in his 'Jathivyavasthayum Kerala Charitravum' (Caste System and the History of Kerala) gives a graphic account of impalement as it was practised in Kerala. It was mostly directed at those subalterns accused of amorous indiscretions, breaking caste laws of miscegenation. Jeyamohan, a Tamil-Malayalam writer also has delved into the practice of impalement as it existed in Kerala. The victims of impalement later came to be venerated in the form of hero stones and the like. This remains an aspect of hero stone worship in south India that has been seldom studied.

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A painting for Banabhatta

 

Anu Ramdas

ikon

Sometime back, I was looking for the translation of the Oriya Mahabharata written by the Shudra saint-poet Saraladasa. Eager to post an excerpt centered on Sarala's Ganga on The Shared Mirror, I was busy combining library and internet searches, when I got sidetracked by a poem penned by none other than the brahmin poet, Banabhatta.

I am now in love with this brahmin poet.

No, not really, but I was far from bored with what I found, as I usually am with brahmanized/mainstream literature. Though the poem contains no mention of caste, it still is fascinating stuff. Such rare articulation, beautifully illuminating the fear and anxiety of the colonizer, with just a few lyrical lines, Bana develops a blueprint for the demonization of the natives; a textual instrument for his descendants to perpetually fine-tune. For, colonization rarely means the extinction of the colonized, it usually means the complex business of having the native remain in a constant state as the 'other'. And caste is all about the other, isn't it?

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‘I am not your data, nor am I your vote bank.’ In Memoriam: Sociologist and Activist Abhay Xaxa

 

Chitrangada Choudhury, Aniket Aga

On 18 March 2015, near the Barwadih block office in Jharkhand's Latehar district, a group of about 60 Adivasi men publicly defecated on copies of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government's bill to amend the 2013 Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act. The bill sought to weaken the hard-won and long overdue safeguards of social impact assessment and informed consent to acquisition. It was a throwback to when state and industry could forcibly displace rural—especially Adivasi—communities, and acquire their land and common property resources.

abhay xaxa 1

The protest at Barwadih, organized by the National Campaign on Adivasi Rights, got the mainstream media to briefly focus on Adivasi dispossession. The campaign's Abhay Flavian Xaxa, a young sociologist, Oraon Adivasi activist, and writer, had also organised a march against the bill the previous day in his native village Jashpur, in Chhattisgarh, which unfolded under heavy police presence and scant media attention. In Barwadih, Xaxa countered the charge of 'uncivility':

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ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದವು ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣವಾದ - ಭಾಗ ೩ ಕೊನೆಯ ಭಾಗ

 

ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದವು ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣವಾದ - ಭಾಗ ೩ - ಕೊನೆಯ ಭಾಗ


ಅನು ರಾಮದಾಸ್


ಇದು ‘ಸ್ತ್ರೀ ವಾದವು ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣವಾದ’ ಎಂಬ ಪ್ರಾಥಮಿಕ ಭಾಷಣದ ಲೇಖನವಾಗಿದೆ

ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದವು ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣವಾದ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳುವಲ್ಲಿ ನಾನು ತಪ್ಪಾಗಿದ್ದೇನೆ ಎಂದು ನೋಡಲು ನಾವೆಲ್ಲರೂ ಬಳಸಬೇಕಾದ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳು ಈ ಕೆಳಗಿನಂತಿವೆ. ನಿಮಗೆ ಬೇಕಿರುವ ಎಲ್ಲ ಸಾಧನಗಳನ್ನು ಇಟ್ಟಿದ್ದೇನೆ. ಇದನೆಲ್ಲ ಉಪಯೋಗಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ನೀವು ಹೇಳಬಹುದು - ಏಕೆಂದರೆ ಈ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳಿಗೆ ನಿಮ್ಮ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಉತ್ತರಗಳು ಸಕಾರಾತ್ಮಕ ಅಥವಾ ನಕಾರಾತ್ಮಕವಾಗಿ ಹೊರಬಂದರೂ , ಅಂತಿಮ ಫಲಿತಾಂಶವೆಂದರೆ ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದವು ಪ್ರಗತಿಪರವಾಗಿದೆ ಮತ್ತು ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣವಾದವು ಹಿಂದುಳಿದದ್ದಾಗಿದೆ ಮತ್ತು ಎರಡನ್ನೂ ಸಮೀಕರಿಸಲಾಗುವುದಿಲ್ಲ ಎನ್ನುವುದು.

ಸೈದ್ಧಾಂತಿಕವಾಗಿ, ನಾನು ಯಾರನ್ನಾದರೂ ಮನವೊಲಿಸುವಲ್ಲಿ ಯಶಸ್ವಿಯಾದರೂ ಅಥವಾ ಯಾರೂ ನನ್ನೊಂದಿಗೆ ಚರ್ಚೆ ಮಾಡಲು ತಲೆಕೆಡಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳದಿರಬಹುದು, ಅವರು ಹೊರಗೆ ಬಂದು ನೀವು ಅಸಂಬದ್ಧ ಮಾತನಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದೀರಿ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳದಿರಬಹುದು ಮತ್ತು ಈ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳು ಅವರಿಗೆ ಕ್ಲಿಷ್ಟವಾಗಿರಬಹುದು , ಹೀಗಿರುವುದರಿಂದ ನಾನು ಹೇಳಿರುವುದನ್ನು ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸಲು ದೃಡವಾದ ಸಾಕ್ಷ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ಒದಗಿಸಬೇಕು.

ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದವು ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾನಿಲಯ ಮಟ್ಟದಲ್ಲಿ ಹೊರ ಹೊಮ್ಮುವ ಒಂದು ಉತ್ಪನ್ನವೆಂದು ನಾನು ಹೇಳಿರುವುದರಿಂದ ಇದನ್ನು ವ್ಯಾಪಕ ಸ್ತ್ರೀವಾದಿ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯದೊಡನೆ ಸಮರ್ಪಿತ ಮನೋಭಾವದಿಂದ ತೊಡಗಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ನಾನು ಹೇಗೆ ಒಂದು ಸಾಕ್ಷ್ಯವನ್ನು ನಿರ್ಮಿಸಬೇಕು?

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