Sham Lal
Caste remains a deeply entrenched social hierarchy in India, significantly influencing access to social goods and services, including education. Historically, the caste system excluded Dalits and marginalized communities from educational opportunities due to cultural traditions, religious restrictions, and societal norms.
While the reservation policy was introduced to address disparities and promote the inclusion of socially and educationally backward groups, its expansion in 2019 with the 124th Constitution Amendment Bill to include Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) from non-beneficiary socially advanced caste groups has sparked debates about its effectiveness and fairness, particularly in redefining the core principles of affirmative action in India. The book EWS: The Quota To End All Quotas argues that introducing the EWS quota represents a counter-revolution to existing reservation policies for SC/STs and OBCs, potentially undermining the progress made in empowering marginalized communities. Although the policy has undeniably improved access to education and employment for Dalits and marginalized communities, caste-based discrimination persists, particularly in higher education institutions.
Higher education in India, especially in public universities, presents a paradoxical reality. On one hand, there has been a notable increase in first-generation learners from Dalit and marginalized communities, reflecting progress toward inclusivity. On the other hand, this progress is marred by rising dropout rates and an alarming incidence of student suicides, underscoring the urgent need for systemic reforms. Caste is not merely a legal or administrative issue; it is a deeply ingrained social problem that permeates university structures. Despite the perception of universities as caste-neutral spaces, casteism often manifests through attitudinal biases among faculty, administrators, and peers. Dalit-Bahujan students, many of whom are first-generation learners, continue to face discrimination, exclusion, and violence on campuses, perpetuating their marginalization.
The 1991 census highlighted the stark educational disparities faced by Dalits, with only 30% of their children possessing basic literacy skills. These disparities are further exacerbated by markers of caste, such as proficiency in English, behavior, articulation, and even physical appearance. While the reservation policy has been criticized for reinforcing caste identities, undermining meritocracy, and potentially compromising educational quality, it remains a critical tool for addressing historical injustices. However, its implementation has not eradicated the systemic biases that Dalit-Bahujan students encounter. Research by scholars like N. Sukumar reveals that these students often face physical and mental harassment when they challenge caste-based hierarchies on campuses.
Dalit and marginalized students frequently endure humiliation and stigmatization, often being labelled as undeserving beneficiaries of reservations. This discrimination extends beyond verbal abuse, with institutional practices such as merit-based admission lists further marginalizing them. Omprakash Valmiki’s Joothan poignantly illustrates the casteist behavior of teachers toward students from marginalized communities, highlighting the pervasive nature of such biases. These exclusionary practices, encompassing physical discrimination, verbal harassment, and psychological distress, have severe consequences, including increased dropout rates and suicides.
The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) reports that 20 students commit suicide every day in India, with a disproportionate number belonging to Dalit, Adivasi, and OBC communities. Tragic cases such as those of Aniket Ambhore (IIT-Bombay, 2014), Rohith Vemula (University of Hyderabad, 2016), Darshan Solanki (IIT-Bombay, 2023), and Payal Tadvi (a tribal medical student, 2019) underscore the harsh realities of caste-based discrimination in higher education. According to the Union Minister of Education, 122 students from SC, ST, and OBC communities committed suicide in IITs, NITs, Central Universities, and IISERs between 2014 and 2021. The Thorat Committee found that 23 of the 25 student suicides reported between 2007 and 2013 were Dalits, while 11 suicides occurred in Hyderabad universities during the same period. Additionally, two Dalit/Adivasi student suicides were reported at AIIMS, Delhi.
Between 1995 and 2019, over 1,70,000 students in India died by suicide, according to the NCRB. From 2018 to 2023, 19,256 students dropped out of Central Universities, IITs, and IIMs, including 14,446 from Central Universities, 4,444 from IITs, and 366 from IIMs. The Ministry of Education revealed that over 19,000 of these dropouts were from SC, ST, and OBC categories. These statistics highlight the systemic failures of Indian higher education institutions to provide a safe and inclusive environment for marginalized students.
Unveiling Inequality: How EWS Reservation Mirrors Caste Divides
This study examines the contrasting experiences of forward-caste Economically Weaker Section (EWS) students and their SC, ST, and OBC counterparts at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), a leading public institution in India. While both groups share a reservation background, EWS students reported markedly more positive experiences, particularly about caste- and reservation-based discrimination. The research delves into three critical themes: (1) the availability of support systems from peers, seniors, parents, professors, and institutional authorities; (2) the sense of belonging on campus; and (3) prevailing perceptions of being a reservation beneficiary. Through the lens of inclusion and exclusion, the study highlights significant disparities in the lived realities of EWS and Dalit-Bahujan students, shedding light on the nuanced dynamics of caste and privilege in higher education.
When asked about their educational journeys, most EWS student respondents reported that despite language barriers, they did not experience humiliation and exclusion in the classroom. The research revealed that EWS students received substantial support from both parents and professors, which significantly enhanced their academic experiences. As one respondent shared: “The main reason I feel good here is the supportive nature of my friends and professors. They have been a great source of comfort and encouragement. Surprisingly, I did not experience any discrimination or exclusion personally in the viva voce based on my caste.”
This narrative aligns with the broader finding that EWS students generally receive adequate support throughout their academic journey. Notably, the viva voce stage and interactions with professors were described as smooth for EWS students. However, studies on Dalit-Bahujan students often highlight starkly different experiences. For example, Kumar recounts a shocking instance of caste-based humiliation faced by a Dalit girl during her viva-voce at Delhi University, where she was taunted by the interviewer: Quota se aaye ho ya kotthe se aaye ho? (Did you get in through reservation or a brothel?). Similarly, Gopal Guru highlights the use of derogatory terms like “Sarkari Damad” (government’s son-in-law) and “Sarkari Brahman” (government’s Brahman) to demean Dalit students within academic spaces.
This study indicates that campus experiences are often shaped by a student’s social identity. Supporting this argument, another EWS respondent shared: “My experience with professors has been genuinely kind and supportive throughout my academic journey. My relationship with my mentor is as common as it should be. I received full support from my supervisor.” While such narratives showcase positive dynamics, the experiences of Dalit-Bahujan students often depend heavily on how professors choose to engage with them.
Existing studies reveal that the lack of faculty from Dalit and marginalized backgrounds in higher education institutions often leaves these students feeling detached from their professors. This sense of detachment extends beyond faculty interactions, affecting relationships with peers, campus culture, and even the curriculum. leading to depression, mental trauma, isolation, and, in severe cases, dropout, as mentioned earlier. Numerous cases of Dalit-Bahujan students discontinuing their education in higher education institutions highlight this persistent issue.
In contrast, the research found that no EWS respondents reported feelings of non-belonging to the campus. One respondent shared: “I feel a strong sense of belonging to this campus and am very comfortable here. I enjoy attending parties with my friends and participating in sports activities.” Another remarked, “Despite coming from a backward area of Bihar, this campus has provided me with everything I need, and I genuinely feel a sense of belonging here.”
These narratives suggest that EWS students, even those from underprivileged regional settings and facing financial or academic challenges, find ways to navigate their academic journeys effectively. They appear to carve out spaces of comfort and inclusion, demonstrating resilience and adaptability.
Regarding their status as reservation beneficiaries, EWS respondents expressed little to no regret about availing of reservation benefits. Most acknowledged the prejudice against Dalit-Bahujan students on campus but often contradicted their admissions when reflecting on their experiences. For instance, one respondent stated: “Societal narratives around the quota system are not favourable. I often hear people say, ‘You’re from a quota, so it’ll happen for you.” Some EWS respondents acknowledged a perceived hierarchy within reservation categories. One remarked, “There is a hierarchy in reservations where SC, ST, and OBC are below EWS, and we remain at the top in this chronology.”
Interestingly, many EWS reservation beneficiary students distanced themselves from the ‘quota student’ tag, and it is often associated with SC, ST, and OBC students. One respondent explained, “I have friends who got admission under the EWS category, but they identify themselves as unreserved candidates… I think, ‘For EWS beneficiaries, this policy may diminish the pride associated with reservation benefits, as they do not want to be labeled as quota beneficiaries.’ Another respondent added, “I do not consider myself a quota student. This is partly because the merits of general and EWS candidates stand on almost the same level.” It highlights a unique dynamic: while EWS students benefit from reservation policies, they often resist the stigmatized identity associated with being a quota student, positioning themselves differently within the social and academic hierarchies of higher education institutions.
Conclusion
Higher education establishments in India have failed to separate themselves from the predominant forces of caste bias. Even though overt practices may have faded, invisible and subtle forms of caste still exist. Naaz Khair rightly said that the EWS reservation primarily benefits upper-caste groups and does not adequately address the historical and structural educational disadvantages faced by Dalit-Bahujan communities.
Although Indian Higher Education campuses are theoretically framed as secular, liberal, and egalitarian spaces, the persistence of social capital and caste-based hierarchies contradicts this ideal. The hope that affirmative action policies in higher education would mitigate caste-based prejudices and foster inclusivity has yet to materialize. As N. Sukumar poignantly observed, a Dalit student in a meritorious higher educational institution dies a little every day, underscoring the psychological toll such environments impose on marginalized students. The education system remains deeply influenced by societal caste norms, perpetuating discrimination and differentiation based on caste identity. Dalit and marginalized students often face severe consequences, including rustication, expulsion, defamation, and forced discontinuation of their studies.
The implementation of the EWS reservation policy has not significantly altered the entrenched caste dynamics on our campuses. Harish Wankhede argues that this policy marks a shift in the reservation system, aligning it more with poverty alleviation rather than addressing historical and social injustices, thereby threatening the constitutional principles of inclusion, equality, and social justice. The implementation of the EWS reservation policy has not significantly changed these entrenched caste dynamics on our campuses. As Gopal Guru aptly notes, Indian academia is deeply entrenched in caste biases that not only undermine the dignity of Dalit students but also perpetuate a hostile and exclusionary environment. Even today, caste continues to be a major determinant, shaping students’ experiences of inclusion, exclusion, peer dynamics, and their overall sense of belonging. Thus, despite policy interventions and constitutional guarantees, caste remains a decisive factor in higher education, challenging the vision of equitable and inclusive academic spaces.
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Sham Lal is a Senior Research Fellow in Political Science at Delhi University, specialising in social justice policy, pedagogy, and social identity dynamics in higher education.
